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Kanhaiya Kumar can get the Congress some traction but what next?

Kanhaiya Kumar, former JNUSU president, can be an asset but why is the Congress busy collecting assets when it has no strategy to use them. Kanhaiya’s move from the CPI to the Congress indicates that Bihar’s Leningrad is getting bored with just slogans and wants more. Of what, even Kanhaiya won’t know.

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Kanhaiya Kumar

By Vikram Kilpady

With the Congress woefully short on motormouth Hindi speakers ahead of the Uttar Pradesh elections and the larger 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Kanhaiya Kumar looks like a gain for the Congress which he joined in the presence of Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday. Gujarat Vadgam MLA Jignesh Mewani, who was with Kanhaiya, voiced his support for the Congress agenda though he did not formally join it citing Assembly rules since he is an independent MLA. Kanhaiya is a good speaker and a livewire who can keep people entertained and hold his own against hectoring by either the centrists or by the right. That too with elan and good humour to bat away attacks. There are many good YouTube videos as evidence, one just needs to do a cursory search.

Kanhaiya can do all this in Hindi, and English, without missing a beat or a wink or being caught in unsure pauses that several Congress speakers resort to, Rahul Gandhi included, and are often parodied by the media for their inability to speak the language and what-not. If Rahul Gandhi is a load and shoot rifle, Kanhaiya is the KK-47 and therein lies the rub because like all assault rifles, can the Congress suffer the heat a speaker like Kanhaiya can generate?

As well-documented, Kanhaiya was a Communist Party of India member and had been president of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union on the ticket of the CPI’s student wing. He had also contested the 2019 Lok Sabha election for the CPI from Begusarai, Bihar’s so-called Leningrad, and lost to Giriraj Singh of the BJP, the original go-to-Pakistan man. 

This is possibly where Kanhaiya realised that revolutionary slogans were fine to enthuse the youth, both rural and urban, and the poor, predominantly rural, but power was not for the taking so easily for the CPI (seen as a Bhumihar party) anymore. Unlike the CPI and its allies, the ultra-left CPIML Liberation won 5 seats in the Bihar elections. Possibly, the masses of Bihar didn’t trust their own boy, now a big Delhi man spouting slogans of aazadi for everyone, including Kashmiris.

This is what will weigh him down, and by extension, the Congress. The pre-spring 2016 sloganeering in JNU of aazadi is still the smallest thorn that can be used to prick the otherwise impregnable wall of rhetoric and common sense that Kanhaiya can raise in a debate. The BJP has had a measure of him in Bihar and he can be easily read by the party there. That’s the right-wing point against him.

The centrist remembers that Kanhaiya kept his distance when the dadis of Shaheen Bagh put out quilts and shamianas to protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act-NRC-NPR. Unlike his comrades from JNU who came and kept a low-profile, Kanhaiya has almost no profile when Shaheen Bagh stood out as an example of citizens holding the State to account for being crass and despotic, even when the media sided against them. Further, Umar Khalid still continues to be in prison under the draconian UAPA but Kanhaiya has largely kept quiet.

The silence on his part is emblematic of the way the Left has of coming apart like the Titanic after hitting the iceberg of caste and privilege. The original Communist Party, the CPI, formed in 1925, had lost its spunk post-1950 after it toed the Soviet Union line not to disturb the Congress. What else could it do as the global fountainhead of Communism was not keen on antagonizing Nehru and his daughter?

Unhappy with this line, the alleged hotheads formed the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) as the differences between the Soviets under Khrushchev and China under Mao Zedong, who had the same big ideas as the now-dead Stalin, divided the communist world. The Marxists, meaning the CPM, as the Communists (i.e. the CPI) would derisively call the newer and more vibrant party, would see another split, leading to the birth of the ultra-left Marxist Leninists.

The CPIML would turn away from parliamentary democracy and take up arms, beginning in Naxalbari in 1967. The State, under Indira Gandhi, cracked down hard and destroyed that violent left turn with far more violent suppression of human rights. Many of those killed in pursuit of spring thunder were young men and women high on the ideas of revolution and low on the realities of the rural hinterland, policing and the generous use of extra-legal force. For a cinematic depiction, check this trailer.

So why is the Congress party bent upon getting Kanhaiya to join it. When his mere presence can become a huge negative? The Congress is stumbling from one crisis to another; just when the Punjab front was healing, Navjot Singh Sidhu ripped open a new fracture by quitting as PPCC chief.

The answer possibly lies in the fact that Kanhaiya is a champion at raising the esprit de corps among the Congress grassroots, which needs tending and protecting from the harsh lure of money and influence that the other side offers.

As someone said on social media, the Congress POV on the Ram Mandir doesn’t leave it much to hope for in terms of regaining Muslim votes, but Kanhaiya’s avowed aazadi stance could help swing a few of them, not to speak of Dalit votes pan-India, for among the many things the aazadi slogan seeks liberation from is Manu-wad.

It is significant that both Kanhaiya and Jignesh Mevani are turning away from the CPI and the CPM, respectively. The waning of the Communist-Marxist parties across the Hindi heartland, with the RSS-led BMS snatching away even its trade union constituency, the sign of the times is dispiriting for the mainstream Left. 

Read Also: Amid Punjab Congress turmoil, Kapil Sibal revives leadership questions

It would be amusing to see Kanhaiya Kumar and Congress leaders like P. Chidambaram share a table at a discussion. The hope that verbal flourish can give the Congress a fighting chance for more seats in the Lok Sabha is worth a gamble with avowed leftists, to overcome the charge of soft Hindutva.  

The Congress, it has been said so many times, encompasses both the left and the right. But can the centre hold? Especially when dissent is eating it away from the inside.

Then, there’s always the Trinamool Congress for Kanhaiya

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Amit Shah counters delimitation concerns, says southern states to gain Lok Sabha seats

Amit Shah assures Parliament that southern states will gain Lok Sabha seats after delimitation, countering opposition criticism during the women’s reservation debate.

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Amit Shah

Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Thursday addressed concerns over the proposed delimitation exercise, asserting in the Lok Sabha that southern states will not lose representation but instead see an increase in their number of seats.

His remarks came during a heated debate linked to the implementation of women’s reservation, where opposition parties have raised fears that population-based delimitation could reduce the political weight of southern states.

Shah rejected these claims, calling them misleading, and said the proposed framework ensures fairness while expanding the overall strength of the Lok Sabha.

Seat count to rise with expansion of Lok Sabha

The government has indicated that the total number of Lok Sabha seats could increase significantly as part of the delimitation process. In this expanded House, the combined representation of southern states is expected to rise from 129 seats at present to around 195 seats.

Shah emphasised that no state will lose seats in absolute terms, and the exercise is designed to reflect population changes while maintaining balance across regions.

State-wise projections shared in Parliament

During his address, Shah also provided indicative figures for individual southern states, suggesting notable increases in representation. According to the projections:

  • Tamil Nadu could see its seats rise substantially
  • Kerala, Telangana, and Andhra Pradesh are also expected to gain additional seats
  • Karnataka’s representation may increase as well

These figures were presented to counter the argument that delimitation would disproportionately favour northern states.

Political debate intensifies over linkage with women’s quota

The delimitation exercise has been closely linked to the rollout of women’s reservation, which proposes one-third seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies.

Opposition leaders have questioned this linkage, arguing that tying reservation to delimitation could delay its implementation and raise federal concerns. Some leaders have also warned that the move could impact national unity if apprehensions among states are not addressed.

The government, however, maintains that the reforms are necessary to ensure equitable representation and to align the electoral system with demographic realities.

Centre dismisses ‘false narrative’ on southern states

Shah reiterated that concerns about southern states losing influence are unfounded. He said the delimitation process will increase representation across regions and described the criticism as a “false narrative” aimed at creating confusion.

The issue is expected to remain a key flashpoint as Parliament continues discussions on the women’s reservation framework and related legislative changes.

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PM Modi assures no discrimination in women’s quota, delimitation debate intensifies in Parliament

PM Narendra Modi has assured that women’s reservation will be implemented without discrimination, amid a heated debate over delimitation in Parliament.

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PM modi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has assured that there will be no discrimination in the implementation of women’s reservation, as Parliament witnessed a sharp debate over the proposed linkage between the quota and delimitation exercise.

During the ongoing special session, the government reiterated its commitment to ensuring fair representation while addressing concerns raised by opposition parties regarding the timing and structure of the legislation.

The proposed framework aims to reserve 33 percent of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. However, its implementation is tied to a fresh delimitation exercise, which is expected after the next census.

Opposition questions timing and intent

Opposition leaders have raised concerns that linking the women’s quota to delimitation could delay its implementation. They argue that the process of redrawing constituencies may push the actual rollout further into the future.

The issue has triggered a broader political confrontation, with multiple parties questioning whether the move could alter representation across states.

Some critics have also alleged that the delimitation exercise could disproportionately benefit certain regions based on population, a charge the government has rejected.

Government reiterates commitment to fair implementation

Responding to these concerns, the Centre has maintained that the reforms are necessary to ensure accurate and updated representation based on population data.

Leaders from the ruling side have repeatedly emphasized that the process will be carried out transparently and without bias. The assurance that there will be “no discrimination” is aimed at addressing fears among states and opposition parties.

The debate marks a key moment in Parliament, with both sides engaging in intense exchanges over one of the most significant electoral reforms in recent years.

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Give all tickets to Muslim women, Amit Shah says, attacking Akhilesh Yadav on sub-quota demand

A sharp exchange between Amit Shah and Akhilesh Yadav in Parliament over sub-quota for Muslim women highlights key divisions on women’s reservation implementation.

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A heated exchange broke out in Parliament during discussions on the women’s reservation framework, with Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav locking horns over the demand for a sub-quota for Muslim women.

The debate unfolded as the government pushed forward key legislative measures to implement 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies.

Akhilesh Yadav argued that the proposed reservation must ensure representation for women from marginalised communities, including Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Muslim women. He said that without such provisions, large sections could remain excluded from political participation.

He also questioned the timing of the bill, alleging that the Centre was avoiding a caste census. According to him, a census would lead to renewed demands for caste-based reservations, which the government is reluctant to address.

Government rejects religion-based quota

Responding to the demand, Amit Shah made it clear that reservation based on religion is not permitted under the Constitution.

He stated that any proposal to provide quota to Muslims on religious grounds would be unconstitutional, firmly rejecting the idea of a separate sub-quota for Muslim women within the broader reservation framework.

The government has maintained that the existing framework already includes provisions for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) women within the overall reservation structure.

Wider political divide over implementation

The issue of sub-categorisation within the women’s quota has emerged as a major flashpoint, even as most opposition parties broadly support the idea of women’s reservation.

Samajwadi Party leaders reiterated that their support for the bill depends on inclusion of OBC and minority women, while the government continues to defend its constitutional position.

The debate is part of a broader discussion during the special Parliament session, where multiple bills linked to delimitation and implementation of the women’s quota are being taken up.

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