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SC privacy hearing Day 2: If India has agreed to privacy on international fora, why not in India?

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Aadhaar enrolment

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Centred now on the issue of privacy and whether it is a fundamental right, the hearing of the case regarding Aadhaar in Supreme Court on Thursday saw petitioners cite arguments from international resolutions to argue that right to privacy was implicit in the fundamental rights and also that it was the duty of the state to expand the right rather than curtail it.

Further hearing will continue on Tuesday, July 25.

While hearing the case related to Aadhaar and the right to privacy – Aadhaar and its biometric data collection has been challenged as interfering in people’s privacy, and petitions on privacy as a fundamental  right are being heard – the special nine-judge constitution bench of the Supreme Court had observed on Wednesday (July 19) that the right to privacy cannot be absolute. It had termed privacy as an amorphous term incorporating several factors.

As the hearings continued on Thursday (July 20), more appellants presented their views on the importance of privacy being incorporated as a fundamental right, even though the Constitution makes no mention of it. It has been said that the writers of the Constitution intentionally omitted privacy as a fundamental right, because of its amorphous nature. However, on Thursday, the arguments were presented also from the international angle where India has been party to several international treaties which spell out privacy as an essential component of basic rights of a human being. Here the argument is if India has acquiesced to agree to this on international forums, how can it deny its own citizens similar rights?

Fifty-five years ago another constitution bench had decided that privacy was not a basic right. This is a larger bench and has the arduous task of deciding whether Indians have the right to retain certain basic information as “private”, or whether the government has the right to tear from its citizens all information even if the citizens concerned are unwilling to reveal the same.

It is not just important to make Aadhaar mandatory for all the functions that the government wants, but also to define the basic rights of a human being in India.

On Wednesday petitioners held up Finance Minister Arun Jaitley’s statement in Parliament when he was moving the Aadhaar Bill in March, saying: “Is privacy a fundamental right or not? The present Bill presupposes and is based on a premise, and it’s too late in the day to contest that privacy is not a fundamental right. Privacy is not an absolute right, which is subjected to a restriction established by law on a fair and just procedure.”

Since it pertains to the Aadhaar bill itself, Jaitley’s statement was not out of context.

The government’s stand, however, was standoffish. Former Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi, while arguing in court, had repeatedly said that Indian citizens donot have a fundamental right to privacy under the Constitution. He was justifying the collection of data such as iris scans and fingerprints taken.

Another important statement was made on Wednesday by senior lawyer Gopal Subramanium, representing the petitioners. He argued that the rights to life and liberty are pre-existing natural rights. “Privacy is embedded in both liberty and dignity. It is not a twilight right but the heart and soul of the Constitution,” he had said. 

Also important was the observation of Justice J Chelameswar, a judge on the current bench. He said: “Even freedom of press is not explicit in the constitution but courts have interpreted that the right to free speech includes freedom of expression of press.”

A political interlude had been provided last morning by CPM’s Sitaram Yechury, who had tweeted: “We have a government which believes in the right to privacy for top loan defaulters from being named, but not in Privacy for ordinary citizens. Right to Privacy of the ordinary Indian cannot be invaded by any government. Every Indian’s dignity is important.”

That political colour could not make it into the courtroom, though. Inside, the issue being discussed was more fundamental.

Thursday’s deliberations

On Thursday (July 20) senior advocate Arvind Datar, arguing for the petitioners, referred to a foreign article which gives 3 types of privacy. They are (1) Data privacy (2) Informational privacy and (3) Decisional privacy.

Justice DY Chandrachud asked: “What will happen if violation of privacy is by non state actor? It imposes on the state to have a regulatory framework to enforce these rights even if they are violated by a private party. The state cannot say that your right is violated by a private party and hence we are not concerned.”

Senior advocate Anand Grover then stared his argument for another petitioner. He said: “The Constitution is a living body and if it is a living body then it has to evolve. Fundamental rights have to be expanded and cannot be curtailed. India has ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which enumerates rights to privacy. States have an obligation to respect that is government must not violate the rights.

“The UN commission has two bodies. One is the General Assembly and another is the Human Rights Council. India, having ratified the resolution of international human rights, it is the obligation of the state to respect the treaty and also to protect the right of privacy as stipulated in Article 17 of the international law,” he said. “The obligation of the state is to enact legislation to protect privacy. The International Human Rights Commission has given two reports, the latest being of 2014.”

He stated that the General Assembly of UN recognises the law of privacy.  “Privacy is required to protect other rights. The report of the office of the UN High Commissioner for HRs on the right to privacy in the digital age (dated 30 June 2014) lays down the contours on the right to privacy under Article 17 of the ICCPR. Article 51 and art 253 of Constitution of India requires India to give effect to international treaties.

“No person shall be deprived of his life and liberty except procedure established by law,” said Grover. He quoted the Nalsa Case, the judgment in which stated: “In the absence of a contrary legislation, municipal courts in India would respect the rules of international law.”

So, he argued, “FRs including but not limited to Art 14, 19, 21 etc have to be interpreted in line with Art 17 of ICCPR.”

Justice DY Chandrachud asked till how far can a person remain anonymous? “If any person says I don’t want to disclose the names of my parents in the birth certificate and while making his passport? What is meant by legitimate and illegitimate use of data? The state can use data of HIV affected person to provide health services. It cannot be said that under the right of privacy, it cannot not be used if it is an absolute right.”

Senior advocate Sajan Poovayya, also for a petitioner, said: “The postulated issue of recognition of the right to privacy as a fundamental right is not merely to be looked at from the viewpoint of judicial dicta but also from how Parliament has manifested it’s understanding of the said right. Even in pre-constitutional legislation the sacrosanct position of a right to privacy had been recognised insofar as social procedures had been established in such laws to create any curb or fetter on any aspect of the said right to privacy.

“In post constitutional statutes, similar procedures established by law have always been provided to create fetter on aspects of privacy. The SC in context of right to information act 2005, ordered that right to privacy is not only recognized as a basic human right to under art 12 of UDHR but parliament has recognized it under Art 21.”

Poovayya added: “Keeping pace with sociological developments through judicial pronouncements of this court, has been that the right to privacy is (a) a fundamental right and (b) deals with persons and not merely places.”

Senior advocate Meenakshi Arora, also for one of petitioners, said: “Privacy did not emerge one fine day fully formed and structured from the theoretical penumbras of various constitutional articles. Rather it is an amorphous and a protean concept that emerges from values and principles that have evolved from case law over hundreds of years.

“In England, eavesdropping was criminalised under the Justices of Peace Act 1361. In his seminal ‘Commentaries on the Laws of England’ (8th edition, 1778, volume IV, p. 167,168), Blackstone writes of common nuisances which he states are such inconvenient or troublesome offences, as annoy the whole community in general, and not merely some particular person; and are indictable only… In this category he includes, ‘6. Eaves-droppers, or such as listen under walls or windows, or the eaves of a house, to hearken after recourse, and thereupon to frame slanderous and mischievous tales, are a common nuisance and presentable at the court-leet; or are indictable at the sessions, and punishable by fine and finding sureties for their good behaviour.”

“Nowadays privacy rights are explicitly recognised or are recognised by implication under the Universal declaration of Human Rights (1948) (arguably part of customary international law and therefore part of the law of India), the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ratified by India and so to be read into the Constitution), the European Convention of Human Rights, the Constitutions of the United States, the United Kingdom and virtually every other democratic or liberal Constitution. Constitutional courts in India have explicitly recognised a right to privacy for over 40 years. Our statutes recognise privacy interests as well. In particular the Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 is relevant.

“Privacy or the right to be left alone has the following, amongst other important components:

  1. Privacy of one’s home and residence:
  2. Privacy of personal belongings and freedom from arbitrary searches and seizures:
  3. Privacy of personal data, and freedom from surveillance:
  4. Privacy of personal choice:                       

“The stray observations in the judgment in MP Sharma about the lack of a right of privacy were inaccurate as being somewhat overbroad in 1954 and are clearly erroneous today. As such, this Hon’ble Court may clarify the same and limit the ratio of the judgments to the facts of that case.”

The matter will be further heard on Tuesday (July 25).[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Yogi Adityanath trashes speculation amid PM Modi retirement buzz

Nevertheless, both the BJP and the RSS have strongly refuted such claims, with Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis asserting, “In 2029, we will once again see Modi ji as our Prime Minister.”

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Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Tuesday addressed his political ambitions amid speculation regarding Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s potential retirement.

When asked about public sentiments favoring him as a future prime minister, Adityanath clarified in an interview with the PTI news agency that he does not view politics as his primary career.

“I am the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, a position given to me by my party to serve the people. Politics is not my sole focus; fundamentally, I consider myself a Yogi,” he explained.

Keeping future political opportunities open, he noted, “As long as I am in this role, I am committed to my responsibilities… but there will inevitably come a time when this phase concludes.”

Adityanath’s comments follow allegations made by Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut, who claimed that the RSS, which guides the BJP’s ideology, aims for PM Modi to step down by September to allow for a transition in leadership. Raut further insinuated that during Modi’s visit to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, he was reminded of an informal retirement age that some senior BJP leaders abide by, with Modi set to turn 75 in September.

Nevertheless, both the BJP and the RSS have strongly refuted such claims, with Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis asserting, “In 2029, we will once again see Modi ji as our Prime Minister.”

When queried about any possible disagreements with the BJP high command, Adityanath quickly dismissed the notion.

“Where would the question of differences even arise? I am in this position because of the party’s support. Can I continue in this role if I don’t align with the central leadership?” he said. “Additionally, the parliamentary board is in charge of distributing electoral tickets, and all matters are thoroughly deliberated within the board. While anyone is free to voice their opinions, that doesn’t make them definitive.”

Yogi Adityanath has been serving as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for nine years over two consecutive terms, establishing himself as the state’s longest-serving leader. His leadership has focused on law and order, Hindutva, popular policies, and economic initiatives.

His administration has been characterized by robust law enforcement measures, including controversial tactics such as the demolition of properties belonging to alleged offenders and police encounters. The state also celebrated major events, including the grand consecration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya and the Maha Kumbh in Prayagraj, which drew an estimated 66 crore devotees over six weeks.

However, the BJP encountered setbacks in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, winning only 33 seats in Uttar Pradesh—29 fewer than in 2019. This decrease has led to speculation about possible internal dissent and potential rifts between Yogi Adityanath and the BJP central leadership.

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Ranveer Allahbadia tells Supreme Court he will maintain decency in shows

On March 7, Allahbadia, also a popular YouTuber, was questioned by Guwahati Police regarding the controversy. In his representation, Chandrachud sought a modification of the court’s mandate concerning the retention of Allahbadia’s passport, arguing that it was hindering his professional opportunities.

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Ranveer Allahbadia, the podcaster at the center of a significant controversy due to his remarks on the show India’s Got Latent, recently submitted an undertaking to the Supreme Court in which he committed to ensuring that his podcast, The Ranveer Show, adheres to standards of decency. This undertaking was filed by senior advocate Abhinav Chandrachud in response to the court’s earlier directives.

On March 7, Allahbadia, also a popular YouTuber, was questioned by Guwahati Police regarding the controversy. In his representation, Chandrachud sought a modification of the court’s mandate concerning the retention of Allahbadia’s passport, arguing that it was hindering his professional opportunities.

He explained that his work often involves international travel for interviews, which typically require extensive preparation over multiple meetings before recording sessions. The court expressed concerns that allowing Allahbadia to travel could interfere with the current investigation. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, who represented the Maharashtra and Assam governments, informed the court that the investigation is expected to be completed within two weeks.

The bench indicated that it would reconsider Allahbadia’s petition for the release of his passport at that time.

This case arose after Allahbadia made a controversial comment about “parents’ sex,” which ignited widespread criticism from members of the BJP and opposition MPs, leading to multiple FIRs being filed against him. He had previously appeared before the Mumbai cyber police in response to the allegations.

The Supreme Court had initially barred Allahbadia from airing any podcast episodes pertaining to his ongoing legal matters and also called for the development of a regulatory framework for social media content. While the court offered him interim protection from arrest in February, it condemned his comments as vulgar and indicative of a “dirty mind.”

On March 3, the court allowed Allahbadia to continue his podcast, The Ranveer Show, but stipulated that he must maintain a standard of “morality and decency” in his content moving forward.

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Cricket news

BJP shares viral IPL girl meme to take a jibe at Congress over milk price hike in Karnataka

Her expression, as Hetmyer caught a ball that Dhoni had hit, quickly became popular meme material across the internet.

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The BJP on Tuesday seized the moment by sharing a viral clip of the viral girl from the CSK vs RR match, using it to mock the Congress-led Karnataka government. The jibe comes in response to the state’s recent decision to increase prices for Nandini milk, BMTC bus fares, and Namma Metro tickets, sparking widespread criticism.

Sharing the viral clip on X (formerly Twitter), the Karnataka BJP captioned, “That too, right after hikes in BMTC, Metro, and Milk prices!”

During the Chennai Super Kings vs Rajasthan Royals match, a female fan’s reaction to Dhoni’s departure captured attention online. Her expression, as Hetmyer caught a ball that Dhoni had hit, quickly became popular meme material across the internet.

Bengaluru residents are grappling with a wave of price hikes that have swept across essential services over the past year, from public transportation to household staples. The escalating costs of metro fares, bus tickets, milk, and electricity are placing a growing burden on daily commuters, families, and small businesses alike.

One of the steepest increases has come from the Bengaluru Metro Rail Corporation Ltd (BMRCL), which rolled out a fare revision in February. The maximum fare for a metro ride jumped from ₹60 to ₹90, while the minimum balance required on smart cards doubled from ₹50 to ₹90. This adjustment translates to a 50-90% fare hike, a significant blow for the thousands of daily passengers who depend on the Namma Metro as an affordable lifeline. For a city known for its traffic woes, the metro’s rising costs are forcing many to rethink their budgets.

The pain at the ticket counter doesn’t stop with the metro. In January, the Karnataka government greenlit a 15% fare increase for state-run transport corporations, directly impacting the Bengaluru Metropolitan Transport Corporation (BMTC). As a result, bus commuters—many of whom rely on BMTC services to navigate the city—are facing higher prices. An ordinary daily pass now costs ₹80, up from ₹70, while a weekly pass has risen from ₹300 to ₹350. Monthly pass holders, including students and regular travelers, are shelling out ₹1,200, compared to ₹1,050 previously. The fare surge is yet another hurdle for those already stretched thin by rising living costs.

For households, the sting of inflation is also evident at the breakfast table. The Karnataka Milk Federation (KMF) has raised the price of its popular Nandini milk by ₹4 per litre, effective April 1. This marks the third hike in less than a year, following increases of ₹3 per litre in July 2023 and ₹2 per litre in June 2024. A litre of Nandini toned milk, which retailed for ₹40 last year, now carries a ₹46 price tag. While KMF insists its rates remain competitive with brands like Amul and Heritage, the steady upward trend has left consumers frustrated and budgets tighter than ever.

Adding to the financial squeeze, the Karnataka Electricity Regulatory Commission (KERC) has approved higher fixed charges for electricity consumers over the next three years. The new rates, set to appear in bills starting May, will impact households and businesses across the state. However, there’s a silver lining for some: beneficiaries of the Gruha Lakshmi scheme, which provides free electricity, will be shielded from these increases. For everyone else, the rising cost of power is yet another expense to juggle.

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