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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from windmerumalai@gmail.com made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Stalin reminds PM Modi’s statements as Gujarat CM after his crying for funds remark

During the event, Stalin inaugurated over 6,700 completed projects worth ₹1,166 crore in Tiruvallur, laid foundations for 7,300 new initiatives, and distributed welfare benefits to 2.02 lakh residents.

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Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin on Friday took aim at Prime Minister Narendra Modi during a government event in Ponneri, Tiruvallur district, invoking Modi’s own words as Gujarat’s Chief Minister to counter recent remarks about Tamil Nadu’s demands for funds.

Addressing a gathering, Stalin refuted Modi’s claim from a Rameswaram visit that Tamil Nadu leaders were “crying” for central funds regardless of allocations.

“With utmost respect, I remind the Prime Minister of his own stance as Gujarat CM, when he said states aren’t beggars pleading for Union handouts,” Stalin said.

He recalled Modi’s criticism of the Centre’s partisan fund allocations and accusations of Governors running “parallel governments” in opposition-ruled states. “When Tamil Nadu seeks its rightful share, how is it ‘crying’? I’m asserting our state’s rights, not groveling. I learned this from our leader Kalaignar [Karunanidhi],” Stalin asserted.

Minister S.M. Nasar, MPs S. Jagathrakshakan and Sasikanth Senthil, legislators T.J. Govindarajan, Durai Chandrasekar, S. Chandran, V.G. Raajendran, A. Krishnaswamy, K. Ganapathy, S. Sudharsanam, Collector M. Prathap, and senior officials attended the event.

Stalin also challenged Shah’s recent Chennai statement that Tamil Nadu’s demands were “diversionary tactics.” He posed pointed questions to Union Home Minister Amit Shah, “Can you exempt Tamil Nadu from NEET? Guarantee no Hindi imposition? Ensure our representation isn’t reduced post-delimitation? Specify the funds allocated to our state?”

Stalin emphasised that Tamil Nadu’s fight is for all states’ rights, citing the DMK’s landmark Supreme Court victory against Governor R.N. Ravi’s delay in approving Bills. “This historic ruling shows we act when the Centre fails,” he said.

Highlighting national awareness of Tamil Nadu’s struggle, Stalin dismissed Shah’s accusations of diversion, urging, “If our demands are distractions, why haven’t you addressed them clearly?” He underscored the state’s resolve to protect its interests, rooted in principles of federalism and justice championed by DMK’s legacy.

During the event, Stalin inaugurated over 6,700 completed projects worth ₹1,166 crore in Tiruvallur, laid foundations for 7,300 new initiatives, and distributed welfare benefits to 2.02 lakh residents.

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Priyanka Gandhi accompanies Robert Vadra to ED office for second day in Gurugram land probe

Robert Vadra, husband of Congress MP Priyanka Gandhi, appeared before the ED for the second day in the Gurugram land case.

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Robert Vadra Priyanka Gandhi

Congress MP Priyanka Gandhi Vadra accompanied her husband Robert Vadra to the Enforcement Directorate (ED) office on Wednesday as he appeared for questioning for the second consecutive day in connection with the Gurugram land case.

Mr Vadra, the brother-in-law of Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi, was seen exchanging a hug with Ms Gandhi before entering the ED office. He is under scrutiny in a money laundering probe linked to a 2008 land deal in Manesar-Shikohpur area, now known as Sector 83 of Gurugram.

Focus of the probe: land deal from Congress tenure in Haryana

The investigation stems from a land transaction executed by Skylight Hospitality Pvt Ltd, a company in which Mr Vadra was formerly a director. In February 2008, Skylight purchased 3.5 acres of land from Onkareshwar Properties for ₹7.5 crore. At that time, Haryana was governed by a Congress-led administration under then Chief Minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda.

In September 2012, four years after the acquisition, Skylight sold the same land to real estate developer DLF for ₹58 crore. The deal later drew public attention after senior IAS officer Ashok Khemka, who was then heading the Land Consolidation and Land Records department in Haryana, cancelled the land mutation, citing violations of the State Consolidation Act and procedural discrepancies.

Haryana Police registered an FIR to examine the deal in 2018, further intensifying the legal scrutiny.

ED questions Vadra under PMLA

On Tuesday, Mr Vadra was questioned for nearly five hours by the ED under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA), during which his statement was recorded. The businessman has consistently maintained that the case is part of a political vendetta and emphasized that he has cooperated fully with all investigative agencies, submitting numerous documents over the years.

Calling for a closure to what he described as a decades-old matter, Mr Vadra said cases like these should not be allowed to drag on indefinitely.

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Congress slams PM Modi, Amit Shah after ED files chargesheet against Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi

The ED’s chargesheet has accused the Congress leaders of money laundering under Sections 3 and 4 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act.

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The Congress on Tuesday hit out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah after the Enforcement Directorate’s (ED) chargesheet against Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and others in the National Herald case.

Labelling it a blatant act of vendetta politics, the grand old party also condemned the seizure of the newspaper’s assets as a “state-sponsored crime disguised as justice,” vowing to fight back against what it calls an attempt to silence its leadership.

In a fiery statement on X, Congress general secretary in charge of communication Jairam Ramesh accused PM Modi and Shah of orchestrating a campaign of intimidation. “Filing chargesheets against Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, and others is nothing but the politics of vendetta gone wild,” Ramesh posted. “Seizing National Herald’s assets is a mockery of the rule of law.”

Hitting out at Shah, the Congress leader accused him of going “completely berserk.” He asserted that the Indian National Congress and its leadership refuse to be silenced, stating: “Satyameva Jayate.”

The ED’s chargesheet has accused the Congress leaders of money laundering under Sections 3 and 4 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act.

Alongside Sonia and Rahul, it names Congress figures Suman Dubey and Sam Pitroda. Special Judge Vishal Gogne reviewed the document for cognisance, scheduling further proceedings for April 25, with the filing handled by ED’s special public prosecutor, N.K. Matta.

Ramesh asserted that the Congress remains undeterred, promising, “We will not be silenced, and the truth will triumph.” The chargesheet reignites a long-standing legal battle tied to the National Herald, a newspaper associated with the Congress since India’s independence era.

The Delhi Rouse Avenue Court has scheduled a hearing for arguments on the ongoing National Herald case for April 25, 2025.

During a recent session, the presiding judge stated, “The present prosecution complaint shall next be taken up for consideration on the aspect of cognisance before this court on April 25, 2025, when the special counsel for the ED and the investigating officer will ensure the production of case diaries for the court’s examination.”

The prosecution complaint, lodged under Sections 44 and 45 of the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) of 2002, pertains to allegations of money laundering, as outlined in Section 3, in conjunction with Section 70, and is punishable under Section 4 of the same act, as per the report.

This case has garnered significant attention, following a complaint filed by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy against Congress leaders Sonia and Rahul, their associated companies, and other individuals involved.

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