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Enemy’s Enemy Is My Friend: BJP, CPM Target Mamata

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MAMATA BANERJEE

By Saeed Naqvi

On the eve of the May 2016, West Bengal Assembly elections, Arun Jaitley shared his campaign experiences with some editors. When he attacked Mamata Bannerjee and the Left-Congress Front in equal measure, the crowd’s response was tepid. When he attacked TMC for 60 percent of his speech, there was some applause. But when his speech was 75 percent invective against the TMC, the applause was thunderous.

The editor who passed on these “findings” to me was then a key figure in the Kolkata establishment. He was amplifying something he liked to believe. So opposed to Mamata was he that he claimed some credit for helping stitch together what was patently an absurd arrangement: Congress and the CPM would hold hands in Bengal, but fight each other in Kerala. They were trounced.

Jaitley’s unflattering report about Mamata’s electoral fortunes can be easily explained. His meetings, obviously organized by RSS cadres consisted of crowds who were presumably anti Mamata. His narrative also revealed that, in charting out a future in Bengal, the BJP saw Mamata as a much more formidable obstacle than the Congress-Left combine.

That outcome is precisely what the BJP is up against now that Amit Shah is preparing the turf for the 2019 elections.

In this framework, how does the communal violence following Bashirhat play itself out? First, it must be registered that there have been a dozen or so clashes in the state after Mamata’s reelection. It must be said to the credit of CPM’s 36 year rule: Communal riots were almost non- existent. Some of what is happening now is clearly part of the BJP’s effort to create an atmosphere conducive to communal polarization.

It is difficult to see how the BJP can profit from efforts at Hindu consolidation in a state with anywhere between 30 to 35 percent Muslim population. In the absence of a reliable census, these are the figures most parties privately cite. Promoting communalism would leave this bloc vote consolidated exactly where it is: behind Mamata.

Considering that this very same vote stood four square behind the CPM for 34 years, mostly under the charismatic Chief Ministership of Jyoti Basu, its support for Mamata need not theoretically be seen as permanent.

This probably is the desperate hope the CPM nurses. To enhance Mamata’s vulnerabilities it has thrown its lot with the BJP: an enemy’s enemy is my friend.

Just as the self defeating formula, CPM + Congress, for May, 2016 elections was credited to the CPM secretary General Sitaram Yechury, the strategy of attacking TMC just when it is in RSS-BJP line of fire, is widely believed to be the line enunciated by former party Secretary General Prakash Karat.

Quite clearly the party has not yet digested the harsh reality that it was trounced by TMC, that Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee was West Bengal’s Gorbachev. In the rush to reform both had lost control.

The Marxist government’s conflict with peasants in Nandigram in March, 2007, set into motion a series of events which ultimately dethroned the CPM. Karat’s diagnosis was that the anger of Muslim peasants had been stoked by a combination of Jamiat, TMC and Naxalities.

Muslim peasants,  fearful of losing their lands for a Special Economic Zone, was the basis on which CPML groups worked hard to mobilize a powerful movement. Jamiat may have played a role since the peasants were Muslim. The only party in the fray to take electoral advantage was the TMC.

It was a masterstroke of political opportunism by Mamata. Having lost the 2006 assembly election, she turned her fortunes around using Singur and Nandigram as fulcrums.

A leader’s political durability in Kolkata can sometimes be measured by political currents in neighbouring states – Tripura for instance.

Possibly inspired by Mamata’s rise, the President of the Congress in Tripura, Sudip Roy Burman switched to the TMC. But when he saw the Modi wave sweeping across UP and the TV channels, he turned up in Guwahati to promise support the BJP’s Presidential candidate Ram Nath Kovind.

Now, Agartala is rife with rumors that six TMC MLAs are likely to join the BJP in the coming weeks. In other words, the BJP, which had no member in the Assembly, will suddenly have six.

This sudden inflation of BJP legislators will have ample moral support from the rabidly anti Muslim Governor Tathagata Roy. His recommendation on how Muslim terrorists should be punished, borders on the Macabre:  “Wrap them in pigskin and bury them face down in Pig’s excreta.”

Tripura has been under CPM rule for the past 32 years. But the anti CPM vote mostly rallied around the Congress in the past. As elsewhere in the country (West Bengal too) the Congress has reduced itself to a virtual non entity in the state. At the grassroots, this space is being occupied by the energetic BJP cadres. Taking a holistic view, these must be seen as some of the chinks in the TMC armour.

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Delhi-NCR GRAP 3 imposed as pollution worsens ahead of Diwali

GRAP Stage III has been imposed across Delhi-NCR with immediate effect as Delhi’s average AQI reached 382, putting the air quality in the “Very Poor” category ahead of Diwali.

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The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) has imposed Stage III of the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP) across Delhi-NCR with immediate effect as air quality deteriorated ahead of Diwali.

The decision was taken as a precautionary measure after Delhi’s average Air Quality Index (AQI) reached 382 on Friday, placing the national capital in the “Very Poor” category. 

GRAP 3 comes into effect across NCR

The CAQM’s Sub-Committee on GRAP decided to invoke Stage III across the entire National Capital Region.

GRAP is an emergency response framework under which pollution-control measures become progressively stricter as air quality deteriorates. The four stages correspond to different levels of air pollution, with “Poor” covering AQI levels of 201-300, “Very Poor” 301-400, “Severe” 401-450 and “Severe Plus” above 450.

The Stage III decision comes less than two days before Diwali, when authorities are particularly concerned about a further deterioration in air quality.

Pollution levels remain a concern

Delhi’s average AQI of 382 indicates that pollution levels have remained high across the capital. The move to GRAP Stage III is intended to prevent further deterioration in air quality across Delhi-NCR.

The latest decision follows earlier pollution-control measures implemented under the revised GRAP framework as air quality worsened in the region. 

What GRAP means for Delhi-NCR

The GRAP framework provides for increasingly stringent measures as pollution levels rise. Stage III brings stricter restrictions than the earlier stages, particularly in areas linked to dust and emissions.

The latest CAQM decision applies across Delhi-NCR with immediate effect. Details of the measures to be enforced under the newly invoked Stage III should be followed through official directions issued by the authorities.

The development comes amid heightened concern over air pollution in the national capital region ahead of Diwali.

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Why no govt official has been named in Mahadev betting app case?

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By Neeraj Mishra

A Rs 94,000-crore betting scam took place in the country and so far the only police official taking the heat is a measly ASI. The Chhattisgarh government, the CBI and the ED would all like us to believe that a betting racket backed by hawala operators spread right up to Dubai could be run on the shoulders of an Assistant Sub-Inspector of Durg district! And all this alleged money was made within three years of operations making it the most profitable venture ever.

The fact is that big names are hiding behind the curtains pulled tight together by the investigators themselves. There is an IG rank officer, two SPs, two IAS officers and several other state police officials who have been named by sources and perfunctorily questioned with no great enthusiasm by the investigating agencies. Their political masters are protecting them both from investigations and the media.    

This Wednesday a special CBI court in Raipur granted the CBI eight-day remand of alleged kingpin Saurabh Chandrakar, who was finally extradited by Oman after months of back and forth. The CBI for some strange reason then requested the court to take Chandrakar to Delhi to which the accused’s lawyer also did not object. Since the original crime scene is in Durg and most of the possible dubious characters are in Raipur, one would assume keeping him in Chhattisgarh would have been appropriate.

But perhaps it’s a bigger ring and the CBI is also aware of the pitfalls ahead. Rs 94000 crore is a figure in the chargesheet but knowledgeable sources in the gambling racket in the state believe that  while Mahadev book was initially backed by people close to then Chief Minster Bhupesh Baghel, it was later taken over by the IPL gangs since the main source of income is the IPL season. It is estimated that more than Rs 25000 crore changed hands every season. The handlers or the Khai party easily makes almost half of it nice and clean.

Baghel’s son and some of his sidekicks have been questioned but not named in the chargesheets so far. On the day Chandrakar was being produced in Raipur court, his partner in crime Ravi Uppal was arrested in Dubai and may soon be extradited. But the way things are, no big names will come out.

It’s possible that Baghel may face the heat when the 2028 state assembly elections come around but it is also clear that the Mahadev operations have probably been taken over by some other gang backed by some powerful political bosses in India. So Chandrakar was allowed to get married in Dubai with Bollywood stars in attendance and not extradited for two years. Now that everything has been snatched from him and he is no longer an asset, he’s surrendered along with Uppal. Mahadev, believe this writer, will live on.

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Farooq, Omar Abdullah to meet upset NC MLAs amid party discontent

Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah are set to meet National Conference MLAs who have raised concerns following the recent Cabinet expansion in Jammu and Kashmir.

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Omar Abdullah

Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (NC) president Farooq Abdullah and Chief Minister Omar Abdullah are set to meet a group of party legislators who have raised concerns following the recent expansion of the Union Territory’s Council of Ministers.

The meeting is scheduled in Srinagar on Friday as the party leadership attempts to address grievances raised by several NC MLAs. Reports indicate that the legislators had met separately ahead of their interaction with the Abdullahs to finalise the issues they wanted to raise. 

The developments come days after Omar Abdullah expanded his Cabinet, inducting four new ministers and dropping Independent MLA Satish Sharma from the Council of Ministers. The reshuffle has led to discontent among sections of the ruling National Conference, particularly among legislators who were not included in the new ministerial team. 

What the NC MLAs want

The legislators have raised concerns about the functioning of the party and government, including the need for greater authority for elected representatives, stronger party organisation at the grassroots level and better implementation of commitments made to voters.

Some members of the group have also demanded changes involving ministers and the Chief Minister’s advisor Nasir Aslam Wani. Earlier reports said the legislators had prepared a memorandum outlining their grievances and demands. 

The group has stressed that its concerns are aimed at strengthening the party rather than destabilising the government. One legislator described the focus as improving the party’s functioning at the grassroots level and ensuring that MLAs are empowered to address public grievances.

Cabinet expansion triggered tensions

The latest discontent followed Omar Abdullah’s Cabinet expansion, under which four new ministers were inducted. They include Ali Mohammad Sagar, Mir Saifullah, Shamima Firdous and Altaf Ahmad Kaloo. Independent MLA Satish Sharma was dropped from the Council of Ministers. 

The Cabinet changes had already prompted concerns among some senior legislators over ministerial representation and the functioning of the party organisation. The disagreement has since developed into a broader discussion about the role and empowerment of elected representatives.

The meeting with Farooq and Omar Abdullah is therefore significant as the party leadership seeks to engage directly with the legislators and address their concerns.

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