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Mamata out to muzzle campuses?

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A gathering protests the Trinamool government’s ban on rallies at College Square, central Kolkata, on June 10. The protest is ongoing

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Coming close on the heels of the College Square rally ban, the new student election rules promulgated by the state government have raised the hackles of many citizens

By Sucheta Dasgupta

Student politics has traditionally been the first stepping stone to legislature for most politicians worth their salt in the state of West Bengal.

Last week, the Mamata Banerjee government framed rules under the West Bengal Universities and Colleges (Administration and Regulation) Act 2017, purportedly to depoliticise campuses. They are yet to be notified but are sure to raise the hackles of many an activist or even neutral-minded citizens.

Students will henceforth be barred from contesting elections on political parties’ symbols. The student union will be replaced by the student council of which the president and the vice-president will be teachers nominated by the vice-chancellor. The treasurer who will control the flow of funds will also be a teacher. Elections will be held only for the post of class representative, once every two years.  The general secretary will be a student elected by all the class representatives in the first meeting of the council.

There are additional stipulations—candidates must have at least 60 percent attendance, no criminal record, reasonably good academic performance and, once elected, cannot serve more than two terms.

The rules are set to become effective in the 2018 campus elections in the state.

The new regulations, however, seem to have arrived at a time when totalitarianism by governments is slowly gaining ground all over the country. For instance, in Telangana’s Hyderabad, the public relations officer of Osmania University, a hotbed of pro-beef agitations and Dalit protests, has also last week issued a note proscribing all political activity, including public meetings, on campus.

And in April, the Jawaharlal Nehru University— following a recent University Grants Commission’s notification—announced a massive reduction in student intake for its MPhil and PhD courses for the upcoming academic session, seen by many quarters as punishment by the centre for its 2016 stir that followed the arrest of JNU Students’ Union president from AISF and PhD scholar Kanhaiya Kumar.

Which begs the question, are ruling parties and their unions finding themselves on the back foot on these campuses, at least as far as electoral politics is concerned?

Trinamool Congress’ students union TMCP has slowly managed to gather influence in educational institutions across the state but so far it has failed to manage a breakthrough in the prestigious and politically significant Presidency College and Jadavpur University.  Here the main forces are still the SFI, the students’ wing of the CPM, and, in case of Presidency, the Independent Consolidation, a coalition of anti-SFI forces like Chhatra Parishad (Congress), Naxalites, SUCI and DSO.

The IC won the student elections this year with SFI presenting it with a tough fight. In JU, the SFI made a comeback in the arts faculty while TMCP lost the polls to all five office-bearers’ posts.

So these steps, which many might call undemocratic, might well be a plan to muzzle campus politics, coming as they do on the heels of the June 1 rally ban at historic College Square, College Street, in central Kolkata—which is witness to the freedom struggle, the Naxalite uprisings and even the popular movement that brought Banerjee herself to power and has been the protest hub of Kolkata since the 19th century. The ostensible trigger for the ban was a student’s putative complaint to the CM that they found it hard to study amid the noise generated by the protests in the area.

Interestingly, a group of individuals led by theatre artistes Joyraj Bhattacharjee and Shreyasi Bhaduri and poet and academic Nandini Dhar, picking lampoon and hyperbole as their weapons of choice, have been holding a silent protest at the very spot for over a week now. As participants do little more than loiter or sit in the area, wearing strips of black cloth covering their mouths, reading, holding placards and making street art, police have no ground to arrest them and, though present in strength, can only stand and stare.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Nitish Kumar’s JD(U) withdraws support to BJP-ruled government in Manipur

The BJP currently holds a commanding majority in the 60-member assembly, with 37 MLAs of its own, supplemented by five MLAs from the Naga People’s Front and three independents.

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In a significant political manoeuvre, the Janata Dal (United), led by Nitish Kumar, has withdrawn its support from the BJP-led government in Manipur, marking a dramatic shift in the state’s political landscape.

The JDU’s lone MLA in the Manipur Assembly will now occupy a seat among the Opposition ranks, signalling a clear break from the ruling coalition. While this development is unlikely to destabilize the BJP’s firm grip on power, it carries substantial symbolic weight, considering the JDU’s crucial role as a key ally of the BJP at the national level and in Bihar.

The decision follows a similar move by the National People’s Party (NPP), which governs Meghalaya, several months ago. The JDU’s initial success in the 2022 Manipur Assembly elections, securing six seats, was short-lived. Within months, five of its six MLAs defected to the BJP, bolstering the ruling party’s numbers and solidifying its position.

The BJP currently holds a commanding majority in the 60-member assembly, with 37 MLAs of its own, supplemented by five MLAs from the Naga People’s Front and three independents.

Ksh Biren Singh, who heads the Manipur unit of the JDU, formally communicated the party’s decision to withdraw support in a letter addressed to Governor Ajay Kumar Bhalla. The letter meticulously outlines the sequence of events, starting with the JDU’s electoral performance in the 2022 Assembly elections, the subsequent defection of five MLAs to the BJP, and the ongoing legal proceedings against these defectors under the Tenth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.

The letter explicitly states that the JDU’s decision to withdraw support is directly linked to its recent affiliation with the INDIA bloc, a formidable coalition of opposition parties.

The letter further emphasizes that the JDU’s lone remaining MLA in Manipur, Md. Abdul Nasir, will be formally recognized as an opposition MLA, reflecting the party’s complete withdrawal of support for the BJP-led government. The seating arrangement for Md. Abdul Nasir in the opposition benches was already implemented during the last session of the Assembly.

This political realignment assumes added significance given the JDU’s prominent role in the national political arena. The party secured 12 seats in the recent general elections, contributing significantly to the BJP’s overall majority.

The BJP and JDU remain allies in Bihar, a state gearing up for Assembly elections in the near future. Kumar, the JDU president and Chief Minister of Bihar, has a track record of shifting political allegiances, adding a layer of complexity to the current situation.

His return to the NDA fold last year, after a stint as a key player in the INDIA opposition bloc, highlights his unpredictable political manoeuvring. The JDU’s withdrawal of support from the Manipur government underscores the fluid nature of political alliances in India and the ever-changing dynamics of power.

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Centre extends National Health Mission for five more years

The next five years will likely see continued efforts to strengthen primary healthcare, improve access to essential services, and address health disparities across urban and rural populations.

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The central government has shown its commitment to public health by extending the National Health Mission (NHM) for another five years, effective January 22, 2025.

This decision, announced following a Union Cabinet meeting, underscores the program’s significant achievements over the past decade. Union Minister Piyush Goyal highlighted the NHM’s remarkable progress, particularly its instrumental role in navigating the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The NHM’s evolution reflects a strategic approach to addressing healthcare needs across India. Initially launched in 2005 as the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), its focus was on improving healthcare access in rural areas.

Recognising the importance of urban health infrastructure, the program expanded significantly in 2012 with the integration of the National Urban Health Mission (NUHM). This restructuring led to the renaming of the program to the National Health Mission, encompassing both rural and urban healthcare initiatives under a unified framework.

The NHM’s success is evident in the substantial expansion of its workforce. Between 2021 and 2022 alone, nearly 1.2 million healthcare workers joined the mission, bolstering its capacity to deliver essential services.

This workforce proved critical during the COVID-19 pandemic, playing a pivotal role in the nationwide vaccination drive. The NHM’s existing network of healthcare facilities and personnel facilitated the administration of over 2.2 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses between January 2021 and March 2024, a monumental achievement in the fight against the pandemic.

Furthermore, the NHM’s contribution extended beyond vaccination. The India COVID-19 Emergency Response and Health Systems Preparedness Package (ECRP), implemented in two phases under the NHM, strengthened the healthcare system’s capacity to manage the pandemic effectively. This initiative involved significant investments in infrastructure, training, and resource allocation to enhance the preparedness and response capabilities of healthcare facilities across the country.

The continued funding and expansion of the NHM demonstrate the government’s long-term commitment to improving the health and well-being of its citizens. The program’s success in tackling the COVID-19 pandemic serves as a testament to its effectiveness and resilience.

The next five years will likely see continued efforts to strengthen primary healthcare, improve access to essential services, and address health disparities across urban and rural populations.

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On 10 years of Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao, Kharge slams BJP for siding with criminals

Kharge questioned the effectiveness of the BBBP initiative, highlighting its largely symbolic measures such as slogans on trucks and walls. He argued that these superficial actions fail to address the critical issues of employment opportunities, healthcare access, and justice for victims of atrocities.

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On the tenth anniversary of the government’s flagship women’s empowerment scheme, “Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao” (BBBP), the Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge levelled scathing criticism against the ruling BJP, accusing it of prioritising the protection of criminals over the safety and well-being of women.

In a statement released on X (formerly Twitter), Kharge questioned the BJP’s commitment to the initiative’s goals. He posed several pointed questions, demanding accountability for the high rate of crimes against women and the apparent lack of justice for victims in high-profile cases such as those in Manipur, Hathras, and Unnao.

Kharge highlighted the alarming statistic of 43 crimes against women being reported every hour in India, further emphasizing the discrepancy between the BJP’s public pronouncements on women’s safety and the reality on the ground. He also noted that 22 crimes are registered daily against women and children from vulnerable Dalit and tribal communities.

Kharge also raised concerns about the allocation of funds for the BBBP scheme. He alleged that until 2019, nearly 80% of the allocated budget was spent on advertising, a claim reportedly substantiated by a Parliamentary Standing Committee.

Following this revelation, funding for the scheme was drastically reduced by 63% between 2018-19 and 2022-23. The subsequent merging of BBBP with the ‘Sambal’ scheme under ‘Mission Shakti,’ and the subsequent lack of transparency regarding its funding, further fueled the Congress’s accusations of a government cover-up. Kharge pointed out a further 30% reduction in funding for ‘Sambal’ in 2023-24.

Kharge questioned the effectiveness of the BBBP initiative, highlighting its largely symbolic measures such as slogans on trucks and walls. He argued that these superficial actions fail to address the critical issues of employment opportunities, healthcare access, and justice for victims of atrocities.

The Congress leader concluded by describing the BJP’s claims of addressing violence against women as “hollow advertisements” indicative of hypocrisy after a decade of the scheme’s existence.

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