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“Misunderstanding Rahul”

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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]By Dilip Bobb

There will be many who will wonder why the title of this post should not read Understanding Rahul. They mis the point, or miss, if you will. Rahul bashing has become a national sport and everybody’s really enjoying it, with varying results. A Congress leader in UP recently got thrown out of the party for referring to him as ‘Pappu’, a sobriquet as closely identified with him as ‘Namo’ is with the Prime Minister. Much of that negative image is clearly self-inflicted, and related to his periodic goof-ups in speech and action, but it has become so ingrained in the national psyche that each move he makes invites instant derision and criticism, the latest being his meeting with the Chinese ambassador over the tension on the border. Forget the right wing trolls—they only add to the white noise—but the chattering classes and people who are politically neutral and open minded tend to treat him with the same wearied antipathy as his political opponents. On social media, the jokes and memes indicate the sense of national disapproval, even disbelief. Does he really deserve such a summarily dismissal?

The Congress clearly messed up in their handling of the situation but should a meeting between an Opposition leader and the Chinese ambassador during a period of tension between the two neighbours amount to treason? That is what the BJP and its fellow travelers in the media would have us believe. The fact that he also met the ambassador of Bhutan was conveniently ignored. Rahul says it was his job as opposition leader to get a better grasp of the crisis. Indeed, the world over, meetings between local representatives of a foreign country and opposition leaders is a fairly routine affair. In America, the relationship between Donald Trump’s family along with his key campaign advisors and the Russian government prior to his becoming President is now an open secret. Closer home, much was made of the February 2014 meeting between then US ambassador Nancy Powell and Narendra Modi, the Gujarat Chief Minister who was being projected as the party’s Prime Ministerial candidate. It was, in fact, a time when Indo-US relations were in deep freeze and, more important, Modi’s visa ban post 2002 was still operational. At the time, Modi was, in effect, leader of the Opposition, a role that Rahul has inherited by virtue of being titular head of the Congress party. So why is Rahul’s meeting with Beijing’s diplomatic envoy being made out to be the equivalent of supping with the devil? Modi was photographed shaking hands and exchanging pleasantries with Xi Jinping in Hamburg and no one saw the irony. Forget ambassadors, it is customary for almost all visiting heads of state to call on Sonia Gandhi. It has to do with the name, and history of the family she married into, but also connected to her role as opposition leader.  In these meetings she will always be accompanied by someone senior in the party with a background in foreign relations—Natwar Singh and Karan Singh (ex ambassador to the US) were the two regulars, so it is not merely an exchange of pleasantries about the weather.

Pakistan is a different story. With that recalcitrant neighbor, the permanent hostility means there is never a good or bad time for a meet with Islamabad’s representative in Delhi. China is another ball game. It is, in every sense of the word, the second most powerful country in the world—certainly in economic terms, and quite possibly in the military context as well. The aphorism about the inscrutable Chinese is a fact of life; when China decides to push the security envelope vis a vis India, there is always a larger game being played out, one with long-term consequences. In that sense, Rahul meeting with the Chinese ambassador is not as dumb a move as most people are assuming. The atmospherics and the did-he-didn’t-he confusion by party spokesmen made it out to be a political faux pas. But viewed in the context of the rivalry between the two Asian giants and threatening reminders about 1961, it was actually a reasonable thing to do. It would be both stupid and naïve to assume that Rahul was there to score brownie points over the NDA government. He would have, undoubtedly, pushed the Indian viewpoint but essentially tried to gauge what Beijing’s intentions were. It would be equally logical to assume that he would have discussed with the Bhutan ambassador, what Thimpu’s options were. Is that deserving of ridicule?

Here’s the problem. Rahul has blotted his copybook on numerous occasions, made some immature moves and statements and his vacations are always seen as the act of a non-serious politician. That is largely because of history—the political inheritance which automatically suggests he has not had to work at earning his spurs. He can be immature and impulsive largely because he makes up his own mind, unlike his mother who seeks advice from relevant people before showing her hand. There are any number of politicians from both sides of the fence who can be spotted in exotic foreign locales during the peak of summer but the negative focus will always be on RG and his holidays which happen to be kept secret because he there is a serious security threat—when he travels abroad, he is without SPG protection. Certainly, he needs to time his vacations better so he is not absent when there is a major political development or decisions like the Opposition’s choice of President, but equally, who can object to him taking time off to chill. What he needs to understand is that there always will be comparisons with Modi who has not taken a day off since 1969, so he needs a savvier travel agent, or advisor.

That is where he shows how much he is like his late father. Rajiv, in his early days as Prime Minister, was wary of politicians and surrounded himself with his Doon School buddies. Rahul is doing that; his Praetorian Guard is a mix of qualified individuals but none are hardened politicians. Rajiv’s friends were ousted by those jealous of their proximity proving that in politics, idealism and ethics have no place.  Rahul has stuck by his core team but if they are the ones offering him advice and guiding his actions, rather than people closer to his age like Kamal Nath, Jyotiraditya Scindia or Sachin Pilot, Rahul Gandhi will be in the unenviable position of being damned if he does, and damned if he doesn’t. The Chinese know all about that. One of the many sayings of their most famous philosopher, Confucius, goes like this: “He who learns but does not think, is lost. He who thinks but does not learn is in great danger.’’[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Trump slaps 25% tariff and penalty on India over trade barriers, Russia oil ties

President Donald Trump has announced a new 25% tariff and penalty on India over non-monetary trade barriers and Russian defence links, potentially straining ongoing Indo-US trade talks.

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In a sharp escalation of trade tensions, US President Donald Trump has announced a 25% tariff along with an additional penalty on Indian imports, effective August 1. While terming India a “friend”, Trump accused New Delhi of imposing “obnoxious non-monetary trade barriers” and maintaining excessively high tariffs, which he claimed had contributed to a “massive trade deficit” for the United States.

High tariffs, Russia ties cited as key reasons

The announcement, made via a social media post, came amid ongoing negotiations between India and the US for a proposed bilateral trade agreement. Trump alleged that India continues to procure most of its military hardware and energy supplies from Russia, even as global pressure mounts on Moscow over the Ukraine war.

He wrote, “While India is our friend, we have done relatively little business with them because their tariffs are among the highest in the world and they have the most strenuous and obnoxious non-monetary trade barriers.”

Trump further criticised India’s strong trade relations with Russia, stating that India remains one of Russia’s largest energy buyers, alongside China. This, he said, undermines global efforts to isolate Russia diplomatically and economically.

Bilateral talks under strain

The announcement comes at a delicate moment. A US delegation is set to visit India next month to continue negotiations on the long-pending bilateral trade deal. Last week, the two countries concluded the fifth round of talks in Washington, led by India’s Special Secretary in the Department of Commerce, Rajesh Agrawal, and US Assistant Trade Representative for South and Central Asia, Brendan Lynch.

So far, India has not issued an official response to the tariff declaration.

Trump’s latest tariff directive risks derailing progress made in trade talks and could complicate bilateral relations, especially in the areas of defence and energy cooperation.

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India News

Centre revamps Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana  to shield farmers from state defaults in crop insurance

To ensure farmers get their due crop insurance even if states default on premium payments, the Centre has amended the PMFBY with a new penalty provision and accountability framework.

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Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan has introduced sweeping changes to the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana (PMFBY) in a bid to protect farmers from suffering due to the negligence of state governments in paying crop insurance premiums.

Why the reform was needed

While addressing Parliament, Chouhan referred to past experiences under the former Andhra Pradesh government, which had pledged to bear the farmers’ share of crop insurance premiums. However, the government, led by then-Chief Minister Jagan Mohan Reddy, allegedly defaulted on its premium contribution for three years, resulting in thousands of farmers being denied crop insurance claims.

Chouhan stated that this “bad experience” had prompted the Centre to revisit the policy to prevent any repeat of such situations.

What has changed in PMFBY

Under the revised scheme, the Union Government will now disburse its share of the premium regardless of whether the state fulfils its contribution. More significantly, the new rules include a penalty clause aimed at enforcing state accountability.

“If a state fails to pay its share, it will be liable to pay 12% interest, and this penal amount will be directly transferred to the affected farmers’ accounts,” Chouhan said during his reply to a question posed by Rajasthan MP Hanuman Beniwal.

Focus on farmer welfare and timely claim settlements

The Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana was originally launched as an improved version of the earlier National Agricultural Insurance Scheme (NAIS), with a target to settle farmer claims within 21 days. However, state-level lapses had emerged as a critical bottleneck, causing undue suffering for farmers.

The new amendment now aims to eliminate delays and uncertainty by holding state governments financially accountable without letting farmers bear the consequences.

With this step, the government hopes to fortify the crop insurance framework, ensuring that natural calamities and policy failures at the state level do not deprive farmers of their due protections.

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India News

S Jaishankar rebuts mediation claims, asserts no Trump-Modi call between April 22 and June 16

In the Rajya Sabha, EAM S Jaishankar confirmed no Trump-Modi call occurred between April and June, and asserted India’s refusal to entertain foreign mediation in Pakistan-related matters.

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External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Wednesday firmly rejected opposition claims about an alleged phone call between US President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, clarifying in the Rajya Sabha that no such communication occurred between April 22 and June 16.

Speaking during a discussion on Operation Sindoor in the Upper House, Jaishankar addressed the controversy, stating unequivocally, “Kaan kholke sun le… from April 22 to June 16, not a single phone call took place between President Trump and Prime Minister Modi.” His remark was directed at the Opposition, which had raised questions regarding foreign mediation in the India-Pakistan dispute.

‘No scope for mediation in India-Pakistan issues’

Reaffirming India’s long-standing position, Jaishankar stressed that all matters between India and Pakistan are strictly bilateral and do not require third-party involvement. Referring to the context of Operation Sindoor, he said, “We were not open to any mediation. Anything between us and Pakistan will only be bilateral.”

He explained that while several countries reached out during the operation to assess the situation, India maintained a consistent message: that Pakistan would have to formally seek de-escalation via military communication through the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO). Jaishankar reiterated that India was merely responding to Pakistan’s provocation and would continue to do so unless Pakistan made a formal request to halt hostilities.

Congress slammed over discomfort with historical accountability

In a sharp attack on the Congress, Jaishankar accused the party of being “uncomfortable with history” while defending the Centre’s decision to suspend the Indus Water Treaty after the Pahalgam terror attack. The External Affairs Minister highlighted how India had allowed the major rivers of its own territory to flow into Pakistan without reciprocal rights.

Calling the 1960 Indus Water Treaty “a very unique agreement”, Jaishankar took aim at the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru for sidelining Indian farmers’ interests. Quoting Nehru’s speech from November 30, 1960, he noted how Nehru prioritized Pakistani Punjab in the treaty without mentioning Indian regions like Kashmir, Punjab, Rajasthan, or Gujarat.

‘Modi corrected Nehru’s mistakes’: Jaishankar

Jaishankar concluded by contrasting the current government’s approach with that of past Congress leadership. He asserted that Prime Minister Narendra Modi had “corrected” the historical blunders made by Nehru, particularly concerning Article 370 and the handling of the Indus Water Treaty.

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