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Jawaharlal Nehru University

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]UGC’s decision to drastically cut the number of seats in MPhil and PhD courses will deplete JNU’s research base and affect education and society in ways policy-makers cannot at present contemplate

By Meha Mathur

Even as the Kanhaiya Kumar issue was cooling off within the JNU campus, the premier central university of the country was hit by a regulation that it will find difficult to circumvent. The new, strict UGC guideline will result in a drastic reduction in the number of MPhil and PhD seats in various streams.

The guideline of July 2016 stipulates that no professor can be a guide to more than three MPhil and eight PhD students at any point of time. This means that admissions to the forthcoming batch will depend on how many students are already enrolled under various professors—research work taking as many as five or six years. Then, there are programmes in which there can be no admission this year.

Here’s an overview of seat reduction in various schools, for which JNU is famed:

  • School of Social Sciences: 232 (present strength 330)
  • School of International Studies: 141 (present strength 232)
  • School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies: 73 (present strength 227)
  • No admission in MPhil and PhD this year at the Centre for Media Studies, Centre for African Studies, Centre for East African Studies, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Centre for the Study of Discrimination and Exclusion

On the face of it, the UGC move to bring down the student-teacher ratio at research level seems very rational. After all, when international rankings of educational institutions are released, the student-teacher ratio and quality of teaching are important criteria, and cramped classrooms can’t aspire to figure on these lists. “No Indian institute among top 200 world universities, experts worried”, read a Hindustan Times headline in September 2016 when the Times Global rankings were released.

Excellence vs inclusivity

But then, there is more to it than meets the eye. Academics from JNU and Delhi University have voiced concerns at the long-term harm it will cause. The first issue that comes to mind is its impact on inclusivity. JNU is one of the few universities offering quality higher education and research opportunities at affordable cost. By limiting the number of seats, the government is shutting the door of opportunity on the poor.

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Ajay Gudavarthy, associate professor of political science at JNU, says the move has been inspired by the aim of maintaining parity with global universities, but it can’t be feasible in a country of India’s size, where aspirations of people are now high. “The logic is fine, but you don’t have too many universities like JNU which can fulfil those aspirations of poor. This move will close opportunities for the disadvantaged youth of India.”

Ayesha Kidwai, professor at Centre of Linguistics in JNU, says this will push higher education out of the reach of poor. “So many youngsters come to JNU because they can avail of the opportunity by paying the same fee as the rich. Now, a good, affirmative action has been ended through this regulation. Instead of spreading such models of education, we are shrinking these options.”

Depleting research base

Then again, if you reduce the number of research scholars, who will teach at the level of higher education?

In a UGC report of 2008 titled “Higher Education in India: Issues Related to Expansion, Inclusiveness, Quality and Finance”, the then UGC chairman S Thorat had written about the then 11th Five Year Plan: “The 11th Plan recognised that the availability of adequate and qualified faculty is a pre-requisite for quality education. It also recognised that due to restrictions on the recruitment of the faculty in the state universities and colleges in 1980’s and 1990’s by various states, we faced serious problems related to the availability of faculty.” It seems that wisdom has again been lost on the policy makers.

Kidwai says that the national enrolment for PhDs is 0.5 percent. In all central universities it’s 3.2 percent, whereas in JNU it’s 62.5 percent. Now, this will come down to 15 to 20 percent. “Do you want MAs to teach in colleges?” she asks.

Abha Dev Habib, who teaches at Miranda House, Delhi University, says that for all the complaints that the research output is not good, we are reducing public money in education and the research grants have been constantly decreasing since 2013. The number of research proposals that have received grants has also come down and many institutions are feeling the pinch. Teachers in higher education are seen as a financial liability, because once they are recruited, they will have to be promoted, too. It’s clear, therefore, that all means are being adopted to dissuade research and recruitment in public institutions of higher learning.

The logical extension of this is that private universities will get more and more room to operate in research space, too. But as Gudavarthy points out, it will leave the poor out of the ambit of research. “About 50 percent of the students we have are poor. They will have to go back.” They might have to compromise on their dreams by joining second-rung universities, because private universities are outside their means.

What are the options?

Despite the Delhi High Court having already dismissed a petition from students for a stay on the UGC strictures on certain technical grounds, Siddiqui says the academics will not give in and that they will seek further legal recourse. But with the admission season already commencing, the future of at least the current batch of admission-seekers stands jeopardised.

The question that needs to be addressed in the long run is, what alternative does the government intend to provide to those who stand to lose? Are other universities on the anvil, offering research facilities on a par with JNU? Or does the government want to wean away youth from research and have them take up vocational and job-oriented courses only?

Move smacks of anti-intellectualism

Another dimension of the limit imposed on research students is the issue of politicisation. Abha Dev Habib puts it bluntly when she says that the government is disturbed by social movements. She says that JNU has a large number of research students who spend much more time on the campus than MA students, and there are more chances of their getting politicised. The government wants to minimise those chances. Kidwai agrees, saying this move smacks of “anti-intellectualism”.

The seat reduction has hit international studies and social sciences—disciplines associated with asking questions and with reasoning, in particular. Gudavarthy adds: “They don’t want a critical society. The focus is more on technology and vocational education. We will have a dearth of public intellectuals that way.”

Perhaps the move is also part of the shift away from research culture. After all, the Prime Minister has already set the agenda with “Harvard vs hard work”. There’s nothing wrong in having people respect vocational professions. But it takes all kinds of people to make this world. Pushing the pendulum to the other extreme will be counterproductive.

At this juncture, the questions need to be answered by policy-makers.

Photos by Anil Shakya and Meha Mathur[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

DMK attacks Rahul Gandhi, accuses him of weakening opposition unity

DMK has intensified its criticism of Rahul Gandhi, alleging that the Congress leader’s actions have weakened opposition unity and strained relations within the INDIA bloc.

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Rahul-Gandhi

The war of words between the DMK and Congress has intensified, with the DMK launching a strong attack on Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and accusing him of contributing to divisions within the opposition alliance. The criticism comes amid strained ties between the two parties following their political split in Tamil Nadu.

According to the DMK, Rahul Gandhi’s political approach has weakened unity among opposition parties. The party’s IT wing mocked the Congress leader on social media, while an editorial published in the DMK’s official mouthpiece Murasoli questioned his recent remarks on opposition solidarity.

DMK questions Rahul Gandhi’s remarks on opposition unity

In its editorial, Murasoli argued that Rahul Gandhi was speaking about opposition unity despite, according to the DMK, contributing to disagreements among alliance partners in several states. The publication cited criticism directed at Congress by various opposition parties and suggested that the party’s actions had often created tensions within the INDIA bloc.

The editorial also referred to past political disputes involving Congress and Left parties, particularly in Kerala, claiming such episodes had raised concerns among opposition allies about Congress’s approach toward its partners.

Tamil Nadu political fallout adds to tensions

The attack comes after a major political realignment in Tamil Nadu. Following the 2026 Assembly elections, Congress ended its alliance with the DMK and joined the government led by Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK). The move left the DMK in the opposition and significantly altered the political equation between the two former allies.

The DMK has alleged that Congress benefited from the alliance during the election and later abandoned its partner. The party’s editorial questioned whether assurances from Congress leadership would be trusted by alliance partners after the developments in Tamil Nadu.

Congress rejects allegations

Congress has not issued a detailed official response to the editorial, but party sources have rejected the allegations. According to the party, its decisions in Tamil Nadu were made in line with the mandate delivered by voters and were not intended to undermine either the DMK or the broader opposition alliance.

The latest exchange highlights growing strains between two key opposition parties even as leaders continue to stress cooperation on national issues. Just days earlier, Rahul Gandhi had said that the DMK remained aligned with the opposition on defending the “idea of India” despite political differences.

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Entertainment

Kumkum Bhagya actor Sanchita Ugale dies by suicide near Mumbai at 22

Television actor Sanchita Ugale, known for Kumkum Bhagya and Wagle Ki Duniya, died by suicide at her residence near Mumbai. Police have launched an investigation.

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Sanchita Ugale

Television actor Sanchita Ugale, known for her appearances in Kumkum Bhagya, Wagle Ki Duniya and Dilwali Dulha Le Jayegi, died by suicide at her residence in Nalasopara East near Mumbai on June 14. She was 22.

According to police officials, the incident took place at her home in Achole village, Nalasopara East. Authorities said Ugale had locked herself inside her bedroom and was later found hanging from a ceiling fan. Family members and local residents rushed her to a hospital, where doctors declared her dead.

Police have registered an Accidental Death Report (ADR) and launched an investigation into the circumstances surrounding her death. Officials said inquiries are underway and the exact reason behind the incident has not yet been established.

Career across television, OTT and films

Ugale had built a growing presence in the entertainment industry through television, streaming projects and films. Apart from Kumkum Bhagya and Wagle Ki Duniya, she played a lead role in Dilwali Dulha Le Jayegi. She also appeared in OTT projects such as Crime Aaj Kal and Silence 2.

The actor was also associated with the film Chhaava, which contributed to her growing recognition among audiences.

Last social media post draws attention

Following news of her death, social media users shared and commented on Ugale’s final Instagram post, which had been uploaded hours before the incident. The post showed the actor in traditional attire lip-syncing to a classic Bollywood song. Fans expressed shock and grief after learning of her death.

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India News

Congress, SP send mixed signals on AIMIM’s role ahead of 2027 Uttar Pradesh polls

Congress and Samajwadi Party leaders have responded differently to questions about AIMIM’s role ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, highlighting ongoing discussions over opposition strategy.

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Differing responses from Congress and Samajwadi Party leaders have highlighted varying approaches within the Opposition camp regarding the possible role of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) in the run-up to the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

The discussion gained momentum after AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi launched his party’s campaign preparations for the 2027 elections from Bahraich and reiterated that his party is open to alliances, provided it is treated with respect and as an equal partner.

Different responses from Congress and SP

Reacting to questions about a possible understanding with AIMIM, Congress leader Imran Masood said any decision on alliances would be taken by the party leadership. He also stressed that there could be no compromise with communalism.

On the other hand, Samajwadi Party leader Ram Gopal Yadav adopted a more accommodating tone, stating that anyone capable of defeating the BJP would be welcome. His remarks were viewed as leaving the door open to broader anti-BJP political cooperation.

The differing responses have drawn attention as Opposition parties continue to assess their electoral strategies ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

AIMIM steps up preparations

AIMIM has begun expanding its campaign activity in Uttar Pradesh, with Owaisi launching the party’s preparations from Bahraich. The Hyderabad MP has indicated that AIMIM is willing to consider alliances but has maintained that any partnership must be based on mutual respect and equality.

The party is also working to strengthen its organisational presence in the state as it seeks a larger role in Uttar Pradesh politics ahead of the next Assembly election.

No formal alliance announced

Despite the ongoing discussion, no formal alliance or seat-sharing arrangement involving AIMIM and major Opposition parties has been announced so far.

With more than a year remaining before the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, political equations are expected to evolve as parties finalise their strategies and alliance plans.

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