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Jawaharlal Nehru University

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]UGC’s decision to drastically cut the number of seats in MPhil and PhD courses will deplete JNU’s research base and affect education and society in ways policy-makers cannot at present contemplate

By Meha Mathur

Even as the Kanhaiya Kumar issue was cooling off within the JNU campus, the premier central university of the country was hit by a regulation that it will find difficult to circumvent. The new, strict UGC guideline will result in a drastic reduction in the number of MPhil and PhD seats in various streams.

The guideline of July 2016 stipulates that no professor can be a guide to more than three MPhil and eight PhD students at any point of time. This means that admissions to the forthcoming batch will depend on how many students are already enrolled under various professors—research work taking as many as five or six years. Then, there are programmes in which there can be no admission this year.

Here’s an overview of seat reduction in various schools, for which JNU is famed:

  • School of Social Sciences: 232 (present strength 330)
  • School of International Studies: 141 (present strength 232)
  • School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies: 73 (present strength 227)
  • No admission in MPhil and PhD this year at the Centre for Media Studies, Centre for African Studies, Centre for East African Studies, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Centre for the Study of Discrimination and Exclusion

On the face of it, the UGC move to bring down the student-teacher ratio at research level seems very rational. After all, when international rankings of educational institutions are released, the student-teacher ratio and quality of teaching are important criteria, and cramped classrooms can’t aspire to figure on these lists. “No Indian institute among top 200 world universities, experts worried”, read a Hindustan Times headline in September 2016 when the Times Global rankings were released.

Excellence vs inclusivity

But then, there is more to it than meets the eye. Academics from JNU and Delhi University have voiced concerns at the long-term harm it will cause. The first issue that comes to mind is its impact on inclusivity. JNU is one of the few universities offering quality higher education and research opportunities at affordable cost. By limiting the number of seats, the government is shutting the door of opportunity on the poor.

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Ajay Gudavarthy, associate professor of political science at JNU, says the move has been inspired by the aim of maintaining parity with global universities, but it can’t be feasible in a country of India’s size, where aspirations of people are now high. “The logic is fine, but you don’t have too many universities like JNU which can fulfil those aspirations of poor. This move will close opportunities for the disadvantaged youth of India.”

Ayesha Kidwai, professor at Centre of Linguistics in JNU, says this will push higher education out of the reach of poor. “So many youngsters come to JNU because they can avail of the opportunity by paying the same fee as the rich. Now, a good, affirmative action has been ended through this regulation. Instead of spreading such models of education, we are shrinking these options.”

Depleting research base

Then again, if you reduce the number of research scholars, who will teach at the level of higher education?

In a UGC report of 2008 titled “Higher Education in India: Issues Related to Expansion, Inclusiveness, Quality and Finance”, the then UGC chairman S Thorat had written about the then 11th Five Year Plan: “The 11th Plan recognised that the availability of adequate and qualified faculty is a pre-requisite for quality education. It also recognised that due to restrictions on the recruitment of the faculty in the state universities and colleges in 1980’s and 1990’s by various states, we faced serious problems related to the availability of faculty.” It seems that wisdom has again been lost on the policy makers.

Kidwai says that the national enrolment for PhDs is 0.5 percent. In all central universities it’s 3.2 percent, whereas in JNU it’s 62.5 percent. Now, this will come down to 15 to 20 percent. “Do you want MAs to teach in colleges?” she asks.

Abha Dev Habib, who teaches at Miranda House, Delhi University, says that for all the complaints that the research output is not good, we are reducing public money in education and the research grants have been constantly decreasing since 2013. The number of research proposals that have received grants has also come down and many institutions are feeling the pinch. Teachers in higher education are seen as a financial liability, because once they are recruited, they will have to be promoted, too. It’s clear, therefore, that all means are being adopted to dissuade research and recruitment in public institutions of higher learning.

The logical extension of this is that private universities will get more and more room to operate in research space, too. But as Gudavarthy points out, it will leave the poor out of the ambit of research. “About 50 percent of the students we have are poor. They will have to go back.” They might have to compromise on their dreams by joining second-rung universities, because private universities are outside their means.

What are the options?

Despite the Delhi High Court having already dismissed a petition from students for a stay on the UGC strictures on certain technical grounds, Siddiqui says the academics will not give in and that they will seek further legal recourse. But with the admission season already commencing, the future of at least the current batch of admission-seekers stands jeopardised.

The question that needs to be addressed in the long run is, what alternative does the government intend to provide to those who stand to lose? Are other universities on the anvil, offering research facilities on a par with JNU? Or does the government want to wean away youth from research and have them take up vocational and job-oriented courses only?

Move smacks of anti-intellectualism

Another dimension of the limit imposed on research students is the issue of politicisation. Abha Dev Habib puts it bluntly when she says that the government is disturbed by social movements. She says that JNU has a large number of research students who spend much more time on the campus than MA students, and there are more chances of their getting politicised. The government wants to minimise those chances. Kidwai agrees, saying this move smacks of “anti-intellectualism”.

The seat reduction has hit international studies and social sciences—disciplines associated with asking questions and with reasoning, in particular. Gudavarthy adds: “They don’t want a critical society. The focus is more on technology and vocational education. We will have a dearth of public intellectuals that way.”

Perhaps the move is also part of the shift away from research culture. After all, the Prime Minister has already set the agenda with “Harvard vs hard work”. There’s nothing wrong in having people respect vocational professions. But it takes all kinds of people to make this world. Pushing the pendulum to the other extreme will be counterproductive.

At this juncture, the questions need to be answered by policy-makers.

Photos by Anil Shakya and Meha Mathur[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Congress, BJP attack Bhagwant Mann over remarks on Punjab blasts

Congress and BJP have jointly criticised Punjab CM Bhagwant Mann after he linked recent blasts near defence sites to political motives, triggering a controversy.

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Bhagwant Mann

A political row has erupted in Punjab after Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann linked recent blast incidents to political motives, drawing sharp criticism from both the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The controversy follows two low-intensity explosions reported within a short span of time — one near the Border Security Force (BSF) headquarters in Jalandhar and another close to an army cantonment area in Amritsar. The incidents raised concerns over security, particularly given the sensitive nature of the locations.

In response, Mann suggested that the blasts could be part of a larger political strategy. His remarks triggered a strong backlash, with opposition parties accusing him of politicising a serious security issue.

Leaders from the Congress criticised the Chief Minister’s statement, calling it inappropriate and alleging that such comments undermine the gravity of the situation. They stressed that matters related to national security should be handled with caution and responsibility.

The BJP also joined the criticism, questioning the basis of Mann’s claims and urging the state government to focus on investigation and law enforcement instead of making political allegations.

The developments have led to an unusual moment where both Congress and BJP appear aligned in their criticism of the Aam Aadmi Party-led government in the state.

Meanwhile, the blasts themselves have intensified concerns over safety in border regions, with authorities continuing their investigation into the incidents. No casualties were reported, but the proximity to defence establishments has made the issue particularly sensitive.

The episode has further escalated political tensions in the state, with security and accountability emerging as key points of debate.

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India News

Himanta Biswa Sarma resigns as Assam chief minister, oath ceremony likely after May 11

Himanta Biswa Sarma resigns as Assam Chief Minister after BJP-led NDA’s victory. He will continue as caretaker CM until the new government is sworn in after May 11.

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Himanta sharma

Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma resigned from his post on Wednesday, paving the way for the formation of a new government after the BJP-led NDA secured a decisive victory in the 2026 Assembly elections.

Sarma submitted his resignation to Governor Lakshman Prasad Acharya at Lok Bhawan in Guwahati. The Governor accepted the resignation and asked him to continue as the caretaker Chief Minister until the new government takes charge.

The resignation comes after the NDA’s strong electoral performance, where the alliance won a clear majority in the 126-member Assembly, ensuring its return to power for another term.

Oath ceremony expected after May 11

Speaking to reporters after submitting his resignation, Sarma said the swearing-in ceremony for the new government is likely to be held after May 11.

He indicated that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been invited to attend the ceremony but is unavailable until May 11, which has influenced the tentative schedule.

Decision on next chief minister soon

Sources suggest that central observers, including senior BJP leaders, are expected to arrive shortly to oversee the selection of the legislature party leader. The newly elected MLAs will then decide on the next Chief Minister.

Despite the formal resignation, party sources indicate that Sarma is likely to continue in the role for another term, given the BJP’s strong mandate in the state.

The move marks the beginning of the government formation process in Assam following the election results declared earlier this week.

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India News

Rahul Gandhi and Vijay alliance took shape through backchannel talks, early signals from Congress leaders

Congress outreach and political calculations led to Rahul Gandhi and Vijay coming together after the Tamil Nadu 2026 election results.

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The coming together of Rahul Gandhi and actor-politician Vijay in Tamil Nadu after the 2026 Assembly elections was not sudden, but the result of behind-the-scenes political manoeuvring and early signals within the Congress.

According to media reports, some leaders in the Tamil Nadu Congress had already sensed the scale of Vijay’s surge during the campaign, anticipating what was later described as a “wave” in favour of his party.

After the results, where Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) emerged as the single largest party but fell short of a majority, communication channels between the Congress leadership and Vijay quickly became active.

A key moment in this evolving political equation was a phone call from Rahul Gandhi to Vijay, congratulating him on the party’s strong performance. The conversation was seen as more than a courtesy, signalling the possibility of cooperation at a time when government formation required additional support.

Reports indicate that discussions within Congress weighed the political benefits of supporting Vijay, especially given the shifting dynamics in the state where traditional dominance by major Dravidian parties has been challenged.

With TVK needing allies to cross the majority mark, Congress emerged as a potential partner, leading to a broader political realignment in the state. This development also triggered tensions within opposition alliances, highlighting the strategic importance of the decision.

The evolving partnership reflects a mix of electoral pragmatism and changing voter sentiment, particularly the growing influence of younger voters, which leaders acknowledged as a key factor in the election outcome.

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