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Jawaharlal Nehru University

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]UGC’s decision to drastically cut the number of seats in MPhil and PhD courses will deplete JNU’s research base and affect education and society in ways policy-makers cannot at present contemplate

By Meha Mathur

Even as the Kanhaiya Kumar issue was cooling off within the JNU campus, the premier central university of the country was hit by a regulation that it will find difficult to circumvent. The new, strict UGC guideline will result in a drastic reduction in the number of MPhil and PhD seats in various streams.

The guideline of July 2016 stipulates that no professor can be a guide to more than three MPhil and eight PhD students at any point of time. This means that admissions to the forthcoming batch will depend on how many students are already enrolled under various professors—research work taking as many as five or six years. Then, there are programmes in which there can be no admission this year.

Here’s an overview of seat reduction in various schools, for which JNU is famed:

  • School of Social Sciences: 232 (present strength 330)
  • School of International Studies: 141 (present strength 232)
  • School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies: 73 (present strength 227)
  • No admission in MPhil and PhD this year at the Centre for Media Studies, Centre for African Studies, Centre for East African Studies, Centre for Indo-Pacific Studies, Centre for the Study of Discrimination and Exclusion

On the face of it, the UGC move to bring down the student-teacher ratio at research level seems very rational. After all, when international rankings of educational institutions are released, the student-teacher ratio and quality of teaching are important criteria, and cramped classrooms can’t aspire to figure on these lists. “No Indian institute among top 200 world universities, experts worried”, read a Hindustan Times headline in September 2016 when the Times Global rankings were released.

Excellence vs inclusivity

But then, there is more to it than meets the eye. Academics from JNU and Delhi University have voiced concerns at the long-term harm it will cause. The first issue that comes to mind is its impact on inclusivity. JNU is one of the few universities offering quality higher education and research opportunities at affordable cost. By limiting the number of seats, the government is shutting the door of opportunity on the poor.

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Posters and graffiti in JNU

Ajay Gudavarthy, associate professor of political science at JNU, says the move has been inspired by the aim of maintaining parity with global universities, but it can’t be feasible in a country of India’s size, where aspirations of people are now high. “The logic is fine, but you don’t have too many universities like JNU which can fulfil those aspirations of poor. This move will close opportunities for the disadvantaged youth of India.”

Ayesha Kidwai, professor at Centre of Linguistics in JNU, says this will push higher education out of the reach of poor. “So many youngsters come to JNU because they can avail of the opportunity by paying the same fee as the rich. Now, a good, affirmative action has been ended through this regulation. Instead of spreading such models of education, we are shrinking these options.”

Depleting research base

Then again, if you reduce the number of research scholars, who will teach at the level of higher education?

In a UGC report of 2008 titled “Higher Education in India: Issues Related to Expansion, Inclusiveness, Quality and Finance”, the then UGC chairman S Thorat had written about the then 11th Five Year Plan: “The 11th Plan recognised that the availability of adequate and qualified faculty is a pre-requisite for quality education. It also recognised that due to restrictions on the recruitment of the faculty in the state universities and colleges in 1980’s and 1990’s by various states, we faced serious problems related to the availability of faculty.” It seems that wisdom has again been lost on the policy makers.

Kidwai says that the national enrolment for PhDs is 0.5 percent. In all central universities it’s 3.2 percent, whereas in JNU it’s 62.5 percent. Now, this will come down to 15 to 20 percent. “Do you want MAs to teach in colleges?” she asks.

Abha Dev Habib, who teaches at Miranda House, Delhi University, says that for all the complaints that the research output is not good, we are reducing public money in education and the research grants have been constantly decreasing since 2013. The number of research proposals that have received grants has also come down and many institutions are feeling the pinch. Teachers in higher education are seen as a financial liability, because once they are recruited, they will have to be promoted, too. It’s clear, therefore, that all means are being adopted to dissuade research and recruitment in public institutions of higher learning.

The logical extension of this is that private universities will get more and more room to operate in research space, too. But as Gudavarthy points out, it will leave the poor out of the ambit of research. “About 50 percent of the students we have are poor. They will have to go back.” They might have to compromise on their dreams by joining second-rung universities, because private universities are outside their means.

What are the options?

Despite the Delhi High Court having already dismissed a petition from students for a stay on the UGC strictures on certain technical grounds, Siddiqui says the academics will not give in and that they will seek further legal recourse. But with the admission season already commencing, the future of at least the current batch of admission-seekers stands jeopardised.

The question that needs to be addressed in the long run is, what alternative does the government intend to provide to those who stand to lose? Are other universities on the anvil, offering research facilities on a par with JNU? Or does the government want to wean away youth from research and have them take up vocational and job-oriented courses only?

Move smacks of anti-intellectualism

Another dimension of the limit imposed on research students is the issue of politicisation. Abha Dev Habib puts it bluntly when she says that the government is disturbed by social movements. She says that JNU has a large number of research students who spend much more time on the campus than MA students, and there are more chances of their getting politicised. The government wants to minimise those chances. Kidwai agrees, saying this move smacks of “anti-intellectualism”.

The seat reduction has hit international studies and social sciences—disciplines associated with asking questions and with reasoning, in particular. Gudavarthy adds: “They don’t want a critical society. The focus is more on technology and vocational education. We will have a dearth of public intellectuals that way.”

Perhaps the move is also part of the shift away from research culture. After all, the Prime Minister has already set the agenda with “Harvard vs hard work”. There’s nothing wrong in having people respect vocational professions. But it takes all kinds of people to make this world. Pushing the pendulum to the other extreme will be counterproductive.

At this juncture, the questions need to be answered by policy-makers.

Photos by Anil Shakya and Meha Mathur[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Assam makes Muslim marriage registration compulsory under new rules

Assam has approved rules for compulsory registration of Muslim marriages, with couples able to register through government marriage registrars.

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The Assam Cabinet has approved the Assam Muslim Marriage Registration (Compulsory) Rules, 2026, establishing the procedure for mandatory registration of Muslim marriages in the state.

The rules operationalise the Assam Compulsory Registration of Muslim Marriages and Divorces Act, 2024, which replaced the earlier Assam Muslim Marriages and Divorces Registration Act, 1935.

Who will register Muslim marriages in Assam?

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said Muslim couples will now be able to register their marriages with government marriage registrars.

The government had earlier decided that kazis would not register Muslim marriages under the new system, but there was uncertainty over who would carry out the registration. The newly approved rules establish the registration mechanism through marriage registrars.

Sarma said that if the number of applications becomes large, the government could give marriage-registration powers to officers at the panchayat level so that applicants do not face difficulties.

What does the 2024 law say?

The 2024 Act made the registration of Muslim marriages and divorces with the government mandatory. It also prohibits registration of marriages that do not meet the legally prescribed minimum age requirements.

The law specifies the minimum marriage age as 18 years for females and 21 years for males.

The legislation was introduced by the Assam government with the stated objective of curbing child marriage and ending the earlier kazi-based registration system.

Under the previous 1935 law, marriage registration was conducted through kazis and was not compulsory. The earlier system also allowed registration involving minors in certain circumstances, while the new law does not permit such registration.

Registration timeline and penalties

The 2024 legislation provides that Muslim marriages should be registered within 30 days of the marriage. It also provides for registration of divorces within one month of their occurrence.

The law also contains penalties for violations. Producing fake or forged certificates can attract imprisonment of up to two years, a fine of up to Rs. 10,000, or both, along with action under relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

Registering a marriage in violation of the law can attract imprisonment of up to one year and a fine of up to Rs. 50,000.

The Assam Cabinet’s approval of the 2026 rules provides the administrative framework for implementing the compulsory registration system.

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India News

Trump-Xi Summit: Trade, Taiwan and AI among key takeaways

Trade, Taiwan, artificial intelligence and strategic rivalry were among the key issues highlighted during Donald Trump’s summit with Xi Jinping in Washington.

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Trump-Xi Summit

US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the White House amid discussions on trade, artificial intelligence and the broader strategic relationship between the United States and China.

The summit came as Washington and Beijing continued to navigate disagreements over tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies, technology restrictions and Taiwan.

Here are five key takeaways from the Trump-Xi summit.

Trade truce gets an extension

The United States and China agreed to extend their trade truce by two months, giving both sides additional time for negotiations.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the extension would provide Washington and Beijing more time to work on economic issues. However, several major questions remain part of the negotiations, including tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies and technology restrictions.

Bessent said China was meeting its earlier commitment to buy 25 million tonnes of US soybeans but was behind its pledge to purchase $17 billion worth of other agricultural goods.

US officials have also said that Chinese rare-earth deliveries were falling short.

Taiwan remains a major point of tension

Taiwan was another important issue during the discussions.

Xi Jinping pressed Trump on Taiwan and urged the United States to handle the issue with “prudence”, according to China’s official news agency. Its English-language service also said Xi hoped Washington would oppose Taiwanese independence.

The report noted that the US has traditionally said it does not support Taiwanese independence, while avoiding an explicit statement that it opposes it.

There was no immediate White House readout of the exchange on Taiwan.

Trump and Xi differ on AI

Artificial intelligence was another area where the two leaders expressed different positions.

Trump has said he wants to avoid new AI guardrails and instead rely on the US Department of Justice. He has also maintained that China shares this approach.

Xi, however, said the United States and China have both the capability and responsibility to develop and manage AI for good.

He said AI development should remain under human control and serve people’s well-being.

The contrasting positions underline the importance of AI and technology in the broader US-China relationship.

Strategic rivalry remains a concern

Xi also referred to the “Thucydides Trap”, a theory associated with the risk of conflict between a rising power and an established one.

He argued that competition between the United States and China should be about catching up rather than a contest in which one side must defeat the other.

Xi said the risks could be overcome and called for regular military dialogue and stronger mechanisms to prevent crises.

Trump, meanwhile, highlighted areas where the two countries could cooperate, referring to their shared wartime history and common interests.

Summit also featured elaborate ceremony

The White House visit was accompanied by an elaborate display of ceremony.

The programme included military performances, fighter jets and bombers flying overhead, as well as the recently redesigned South Lawn and a large helipad bearing the presidential seal.

The highly publicised setting contrasted with the unresolved differences between Washington and Beijing on trade, Taiwan, technology and strategic issues.

The summit therefore highlighted both the effort to maintain dialogue between the two powers and the significant issues that remain unresolved.

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India News

 Akhilesh Yadav launches SP’s 2027 UP poll campaign from Rahul Gandhi’s seat

Akhilesh Yadav launched the Samajwadi Party’s 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly election campaign from Rae Bareli, represented by Rahul Gandhi in the Lok Sabha.

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Akhilesh Yadav

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has formally begun the party’s campaign for the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, launching the outreach from Rae Bareli, the Lok Sabha constituency represented by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.

Yadav travelled through the area on the party’s newly launched PDA Rath before addressing a public meeting. The campaign vehicle carries the Samajwadi Party’s PDA messaging, referring to its focus on backward classes, Dalits and minorities.

Akhilesh Yadav discusses alliance with Congress

During his Rae Bareli visit, Yadav said the Samajwadi Party would contest the 2027 election as part of an alliance and indicated that seat-sharing would be decided on the basis of winnability.

He said the party would give a seat to whichever alliance partner is considered capable of winning it. The remarks come against the backdrop of the SP and Congress having contested the 2024 Lok Sabha election together in Uttar Pradesh.

Rae Bareli has particular political significance for the Congress as Rahul Gandhi is its sitting Lok Sabha MP. Yadav’s decision to begin the campaign from the constituency therefore placed the SP’s alliance with the Congress in focus.

PDA Rath becomes centrepiece of campaign

The PDA Rath was rolled out as part of the SP’s mobilisation ahead of the 2027 Assembly election. The vehicle prominently carries the party’s PDA messaging, with PDA standing for Pichhde, Dalit and Alpsankhyak.

The campaign is aimed at taking the SP’s social-justice messaging to voters across Uttar Pradesh as the party prepares for the Assembly election.

During the programme, Yadav also attacked the BJP and raised issues including the Election Commission and what he described as the alleged misuse of election machinery. These are political allegations made by the SP chief and should be understood as such.

BJP reacts to Akhilesh Yadav’s campaign

The launch of the PDA Rath comes as political activity intensifies in Uttar Pradesh ahead of the 2027 Assembly election.

The BJP has responded to Yadav’s campaign and his political messaging, while the SP has continued to focus its outreach on the PDA social coalition and its alliance strategy with the Congress.

The 2027 contest is still ahead, with parties using the period before the election to strengthen their organisational networks, public outreach and alliance arrangements.

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