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Unfrozen Turbulence

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A TV grab shows a Kashmiri youth assaulting a CRPF jawan; (right) a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Only someone who has travelled in Kashmir can understand the enormity of the disaster unfolding in the Valley  

By Dilip Bobb

Two videos that have gone viral are mirror images of tragedy unfolding in Kashmir. One shows CRPF jawans being abused and slapped by teenagers in Srinagar while returning from poll duty. The other shows a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’. The armymen were also returning from election duty and had to run a gauntlet of stone-pelters, the ubiquitous face of today’s Kashmir. Both images are shocking but illustrate the combustible new mood in the Valley. It represents the most serious security challenge for the Modi government, and has been since the death of Burhan Wani, the Hizbul Mujahideen commander, on July 8, last year. Security experts say that the peak of militancy in the Valley was in 1991. Judging by the hundreds of civilians who have died or been maimed protecting terrorists, there is a new peak being reached right now. Never in recent memory has the situation in the Valley looked so grim and the anger among local Kashmiris been so openly hostile and anti-Indian. Anti-Indian may be an oxymoron considering Kashmir is part of India but the reality here is so different from anywhere else that it raises no eyebrows.

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

Even some northeastern states like Nagaland and Manipur, where insurgency is a problem, never feel alien and threatening to a visitor, as Kashmir does. Whenever I have been in Kashmir on holiday or as a journalist, there is no missing the undercurrents, the unwritten signals that serve as a reminder that you are an outsider from ‘India’. Depending on whom you meet or are in conversation with, the tone and tenor of the word ‘India’ can range from casual contempt to barely concealed hostility. I was there last year in May, when Burhan Wani was well on his way to becoming a cult figure. I was en route to Gulmarg from Srinagar and had asked the driver of the private taxi to stop at Tangmarg so I could stretch my legs and grab a coffee. He had a companion with him in the front seat and when I climbed back into the SUV, they were engrossed in watching a video on the mobile phone. It showed a young man wearing army fatigues, armed with an AK 47 and speaking into the camera. It was obvious who it was; the man most wanted by the security forces. They were so engrossed in listening to what Burhan was saying on the video, that it took them a while to notice I was back. They hastily switched off the video but the air had decidedly turned frostier, and it had nothing to do with the fact that we were a few kilometres short of the snow-covered slopes of Gulmarg.      

There must be some biblical irony in the fact that the catalyst for the start of militancy in Kashmir in 1987 and the latest outbreak of violence in which eight protestors died and hundreds of policemen were injured, features Farooq Abdullah as a common denominator. It is universally accepted that the trigger, literally, for the rise of militancy in the Valley was the rigged election of 1987 which consolidated Farooq’s reign as chief minister.  Now, 30 years later, the same Farooq Abdullah is contesting the Srinagar Lok Sabha bypoll which registered a two percent voter turnout during the repolling exercise. It has come full circle in Kashmir. The start of militancy in 1987 stemmed from the sense of betrayal the locals felt at a fraud election which legitimised Farooq’s reign, backed by Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress. It was seen an ‘unholy alliance’. The reasons behind the current upsurge in violence in the Valley has much to do with the alliance currently in power, Mehbooba Mufti’s PDP and the BJP, also derided by locals as an unholy alliance.

Whether Srinagar or Baramulla, everyone I met, from hotel staff to shopkeepers, porters and tourist-related operators, were polite and formal but never failed to convey the not-so-subtle statement that you were from another country. That sentiment accompanies you like an unfriendly shadow on your journey through the Valley. On earlier visits, this was extant as well, but this time, I could sense a difference in mood and hostility. Before June 2016, you could not imagine teenagers being so brazen and defiant so as take on armed members of the security forces in the middle of Srinagar, knowing reinforcements are a wireless call away. There is clearly a different and more dangerous flammable mix that defines Kashmir today. Most people, who visit this exceptionally beautiful part of the country, have had the good fortune of meeting locals who treat you with genuine warmth and a degree of hospitality which is exceptional. Sadly, such people are rarer to find. Currently, it has descended into a Palestine-like intifada spearheaded by teenagers with no ideology or geo-political vision, just a bleak future thanks to lack of jobs and inspiration from videos of Pakistan-backed militants like Burhan Wani, and now his clones. The image of the reckless revolutionary (shades of Che Guevara) fighting for the sake of an imaginary homeland is a powerful one, and it is fuelling the uprising in Kashmir to new and incendiary levels.

At various points in the Kashmir narrative, security experts and journalists have spoken or written of new peaks of militancy, throughout the 90s for instance. This time, it is for real. This time, it cannot be blamed on Pakistan, like every government has done so far. Pakistan is a player in the Kashmir tragedy, always has been and always will be, but the anger and hostility I witnessed—and it has only grown since—is much more visceral. The fact of civilians openly protecting terrorists during military operations, risking their own lives, is a new and dangerous escalation in the battle against militancy. It’s a battle that the Modi government is losing, and losing badly, largely through neglect and inaction. Atal Behari Vajpayee’s clarion call of Insaniyat (humanism), Kashmiryat (tradition of Hindu-Muslim amity) and Jamhooriat (democracy) has been abandoned in favour of a macho, Rambo-style response. It is a strategy that can only lead to greater alienation. The battle in the Valley is not about terrorism or Pakistan. It is about large and growing sections of the civilian population in Kashmir who are being forced to choose sides. It’s a battle that the Indian government is in danger of losing by default.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Delhi Police offers 11-person limit for CJP’s Connaught Place protest

Delhi Police has offered to facilitate a group of 11 people at Central Park in Connaught Place for the Cockroach Janata Party’s October 16 protest, while warning that violations of prohibitory orders could invite legal action.

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4 hours ago

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October 15, 2026

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CJP protest to continue

Delhi Police has proposed allowing a group of 11 people to carry the national flag and sing the national anthem at Central Park in Connaught Place on October 16, ahead of a protest called by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) over alleged electoral fraud.

The police said it could facilitate the group at a suitable place in the park, while appealing to the public not to join the proposed gathering in large numbers. The offer comes amid prohibitory orders in Connaught Place and adjoining areas under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS).

CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke has called on people to assemble at Central Park at 5 pm on Friday with the national flag. The proposed demonstration, named “Lehra Do Tiranga”, follows the detention of CJP members Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka during an earlier protest.

Why Delhi Police proposed limiting the gathering

In its statement, Delhi Police cited the prevailing security and law-and-order situation in the area. It also referred to information from the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC) that Central Park would remain closed on October 16 and 17 for administrative reasons.

Deputy Commissioner of Police Neha Yadav said the NDMC had informed the police about the closure and had asked that no gathering be allowed near the park.

The police also cited representations from trader and market associations in Connaught Place and surrounding areas. According to the police, the associations had raised concerns about unlawful assemblies and their impact on businesses, particularly during the festive season.

Police warned that violations of Section 163 BNSS would invite appropriate legal action. It also stressed that the national flag must be displayed and carried, and the national anthem sung, in the prescribed manner with due respect and dignity.

Delhi High Court declines to stop CJP protest

The proposed gathering reached the Delhi High Court after a vendor sought intervention over concerns about disruption to businesses and public movement in Connaught Place.

On Thursday, the court declined to restrain the CJP from holding the protest. It recorded the police’s assurance that all possible measures under the law would be taken to regulate the gathering and maintain peace.

The petition was filed by a vendor at Palika Bazar in Connaught Place, who raised concerns about the potential impact of the demonstration on traders and others working in the area.

Additional Solicitor General Chetan Sharma, appearing for the authorities, told the court that steps had already been taken to regulate the proposed protest.

CJP’s protest call follows detention of party members

Dipke’s October 16 protest call follows earlier demonstrations over alleged electoral fraud. CJP members Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka are in jail on trespass charges after raising the national flag at Jantar Mantar earlier this week, according to the report.

The party has been protesting over alleged electoral fraud and has raised questions about the Election Commission.

Dipke has urged people to gather at Central Park with the national flag, arguing that raising the Tricolour should not be treated as a crime.

The police’s proposal to facilitate a group of 11 people came as the authorities sought to prevent a larger gathering at the site. The CJP’s response to the police’s offer was still awaited in the report published on October 15.

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Actor Imran Khan asked to leave India after CJP protest

Actor Imran Khan has been asked to leave India by October 28, days after participating in a protest called by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) in Mumbai.

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5 hours ago

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October 15, 2026

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Actor Imran Khan, nephew of Bollywood star Aamir Khan, has been asked to leave India by the Mumbai Police, days after participating in a protest organised by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) in Mumbai.

According to the notice, the actor has been given until October 28 to leave the country. The development follows his participation in the demonstration, which brought the actor into the spotlight over his involvement in a political protest.

Imran Khan is believed to hold US citizenship and an Overseas Citizen of India (OCI) card rather than full Indian citizenship, according to the report.

What led to the notice against Imran Khan?

The notice came days after Imran Khan joined a protest called by the CJP in Mumbai. The group, described as a satirical political organisation, had called for the demonstration.

The actor’s participation was followed by action from the authorities, with the Mumbai Police directing him to leave India by the specified deadline.

The notice does not, by itself, mean that the actor has already left the country or has been deported. October 28 is the deadline mentioned for his departure.

Imran Khan and his citizenship status

Imran Khan is known for his work in Hindi films, including Jaane Tu… Ya Jaane Na and Delhi Belly. He is also the nephew of actor Aamir Khan.

The report states that Imran Khan is believed to be a US citizen and hold an OCI card. OCI status does not confer Indian citizenship, although it provides eligible foreign citizens of Indian origin with specified privileges under Indian law.

The notice directing the actor to leave India follows his participation in the Mumbai protest. The reported development has brought attention to the intersection of immigration rules and the participation of foreign nationals in political demonstrations.

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Election Commission orders voter roll revision in 17 states, UTs

The Election Commission has ordered a Special Summary Revision of electoral rolls in 17 states and Union Territories. Draft rolls are scheduled for November 12, with final rolls due on January 4, 2027.

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6 hours ago

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October 15, 2026

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The Election Commission of India (ECI) has ordered a Special Summary Revision (SSR) of electoral rolls in 17 states and Union Territories, with the exercise aimed at facilitating voter registration and including eligible electors who may have been left out during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR).

The order was issued on Thursday, October 15, amid continuing political controversy over the SIR process and concerns raised by opposition parties regarding the exclusion of names from electoral rolls.

Under the announced schedule, January 1, 2027, will be the qualifying date for the revision. The draft electoral rolls are scheduled to be published on November 12, while the final rolls are due on January 4, 2027. Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, two states included in the exercise, are scheduled to go to the polls by February 2027.

Which states and Union Territories are covered?

The Special Summary Revision will cover the following 17 states and Union Territories:

  • Andaman and Nicobar Islands
  • Assam
  • Bihar
  • Chhattisgarh
  • Goa
  • Gujarat
  • Kerala
  • Lakshadweep
  • Madhya Pradesh
  • Manipur
  • Puducherry
  • Punjab
  • Rajasthan
  • Tamil Nadu
  • Uttar Pradesh
  • Uttarakhand
  • West Bengal

The Election Commission’s order follows earlier instructions issued to state election officials on September 29 to undertake a special drive to enrol eligible voters who had been left out, along with young and first-time electors.

Why has the Election Commission ordered the revision?

The announcement comes amid protests and political disagreements over the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls. Opposition parties have raised concerns about names being excluded during the exercise.

Another point of contention has been an additional declaration required from applicants submitting Form 6 for voter enrolment while the SIR was underway. The declaration required applicants to map their parents to the last SIR, which was conducted around 20 years ago.

The Election Commission had clarified on October 7 that the additional declaration applied only in states and Union Territories where the SIR was being conducted. It said the regular forms prescribed under the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960, would apply outside the SIR period.

The latest SSR order refers to applications for inclusion through Form 6 but does not mention the additional declaration.

What happens in states not covered by the current schedule?

The Election Commission has said that the schedule for the Special Summary Revision will be announced later in states and Union Territories where the SIR is ongoing or has recently been completed.

These include Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh, Chandigarh, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu, Haryana, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, the National Capital Territory of Delhi, Odisha, Sikkim, Tripura and Telangana.

For Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, and Ladakh, where the SIR has not yet started, the schedule for electoral roll revision will be announced in due course, taking local weather conditions into account.

The Election Commission’s latest order sets out a separate timeline for the 17 states and Union Territories covered by the current SSR exercise, while leaving the schedules for the other regions to be announced later.

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