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Is the Bill for 10 per cent reservation for general category a ‘jumla’?

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Is the Bill for 10 per cent reservation for general category a ‘jumla’?

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The first part of this piece covers the political compulsions of the government in introducing the Bill and the reasons for the Opposition to back it.

But there are real doubts and questions, not the least of them being whether Modi’s “landmark moment in nation’s history” does mean anything at all.

Questions about the Bill

Would it make any difference? To begin with, the criteria for ‘poor’ – urban house less than 1000 square feet, annual income less than Rs 8 lakh, land less than 5 acres – would include more than 90 per cent of the population.

By any estimate, more than 10 per cent of this category manage to bag jobs even without reservation. So, does this reservation result in any real gain to this category? The real question is, are there any jobs to be had? Last reports said over 1.1 crore jobs were lost in 2018. It would appear that the government’s main intention is to deflect criticism at its failure to provide jobs.

How did the government come up with the ‘10 per cent’ for quota?

Was there any survey to determine the number of persons who fit the criteria fixed for ‘poor’?

Is there any data about number of such ‘poor’ not getting jobs?

How would the government determine cases where the income goes up or decreases, or fluctuates?

The answer is no. This is just a move done without any thought, just because it seemed like a grand idea at the moment. Leap first, look later – as in the case of demonetisation.

In fact, a likely (positive?) impact of this move would be on those upper caste people who keep railing against reservation for dalits and backward classes: it would shut them up.

Legality of the move

Further, while the government goes around claiming to have insulated the Bill from being struck down by judiciary by changing the Constitutional provisions, serious questions have been raised about this.

Former Chief Justice of India AM Ahmadi, who was part of the landmark 1992 Mandal Commission verdict, which capped reservation at 50 per cent, told The Indian Express (IE) that the BJP-ruled government’s move is “directly in conflict” with the Supreme Court judgment on reservations.

Justice Ahmadi was part of the nine-judge Constitution bench headed by then Chief Justice MN Venkatachaliah in the Indra Sawhney vs Union of India case, which settled the legal position on reservations. The 6:3 majority verdict held that reservation, being an extreme form of protective measure or affirmative action, should be confined to a minority of seats. “Even though the Constitution does not lay down any specific bar but the Constitutional philosophy being against proportional equality the principle of balancing equality ordains reservation, of any manner, not to exceed 50 per cent,” the majority view had said.

Ahmadi said that the apex court’s 50 per cent ceiling was to ensure that “reservations are not introduced, and the limit increased, only for election purposes”.

Also Read: Modi govt approves 10 per cent quota for economically weak in general category

Ahmadi pointed out that the 6:3 majority judgment of the nine-judge bench said that economic criterion cannot be the sole basis for determining the backward class of citizens contemplated by Article 16 of the Constitution.

The Constitution bench had held that “Economic backwardness may give jurisdiction to state to reserve provided it can find out mechanism to ascertain inadequacy of representation of such class. But such group or collectivity does not fall under Article 16 (1).”

Asked if the government’s decision to exceed the 50 per cent ceiling was legally valid, Justice Ahmadi said: “The judgment clearly mentions that reservations should not exceed 50 per cent. The Supreme Court had put a cap so that reservations are not introduced, and the limit increased, only for election purposes. With this decision, now what remains is just 40 per cent.”

Writing in IE, Vice chancellor, NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad, Faizan Mustafa, held that the Bill is likely to be struck down by the SC.

He said that the apex court has laid down in categorical terms that reservation solely on the basis of economic backwardness, that is without evidence of historical discrimination, finds no justification in the Constitution. A nine-judge bench in Indra Sawhney had ruled that reservation is a remedy for historical discrimination and its continuing ill-effects. The court also said that reservation is not aimed at economic uplift or poverty alleviation. Economic backwardness is to be on account of social backwardness.

The backwardness mentioned under Article 16(1) must be the backwardness that is both the cause and consequence of non-representation in the state administration. It has to be backwardness of the whole class, not of some individuals, said Faizan Mustafa. The economic criterion will thus lead, in effect, to the virtual deletion of Article 16(4) from the Constitution. Hence, economic backwardness has to be on account of social backwardness under Article 16(4).

Moreover, the move upsets the 50 per cent cap imposed by the SC on reservation. Justice Thommen in Indra Sawhney said that “any attempt to over-emphasise its compensatory aspect and widen the scope of reservation beyond ‘minority of posts’ is to practice excessive and invidious reverse discrimination”.

BR Ambedkar in his speech in the Constituent Assembly on November 30, 1948, explicitly said that equality of opportunity would require that reservation should be for the “minority of the seats” and only in favour of “backward classes who had not so far had representation in the state”.

The weaker sections as mentioned in Article 46 are a genus of which the backward class of citizens mentioned in Article 16(4) constitute a species. Thus, only backward classes, and not all the weaker sections, are entitled to reservation. Caste and class are not synonymous. Class is not antithetical to caste, caste is an enclosed class. Ambedkar, at the time of the first amendment, which inserted clause 4 in Article 15, told Parliament that “backward classes are nothing else but a collection of castes”. Class here is social class. Thus, economic backwardness must be the result of social backwardness.

Read Part 1: Modi govt’s Bill for 10 pc quota to general category poor may be passed, but is it just a jumla?

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Cried over Gaza, not a word on Bangladesh: Yogi Adityanath attacks opposition in UP Assembly

Yogi Adityanath criticised the opposition in the UP Assembly, accusing them of selective outrage over Gaza while remaining silent on violence against Hindus in Bangladesh.

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Yogi Adityanath

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Wednesday launched a sharp attack on the Opposition during proceedings in the State Assembly, accusing rival parties of indulging in selective outrage and appeasement politics while remaining silent on incidents involving Hindus in neighbouring countries, particularly Bangladesh.

Referring to recent incidents across the border, the Chief Minister said the Opposition raises its voice on international issues selectively but avoids speaking out when minorities, especially Hindus, are targeted in nearby nations.

“You shed tears over developments in Gaza, but not a single word comes out when a Dalit youth is killed in Bangladesh,” Adityanath said in the Assembly, alleging that such silence exposes the Opposition’s political priorities.

The Chief Minister further claimed that incidents of violence against Hindus would not have occurred had Pakistan and Bangladesh not been created, reiterating that issues are often viewed through the prism of vote bank politics. He said candle marches are organised for global events, but killings of Hindus in Pakistan or Bangladesh do not evoke similar responses.

Adityanath also called for a condemnation resolution in the Assembly, stating that it should ideally come from the Leader of the Opposition. He said such a resolution should clearly condemn the killing and convey a warning to the Bangladesh government.

Allegations over illegal immigration

Targeting the Opposition on the issue of illegal immigration, the Chief Minister alleged that they support Bangladeshi nationals and Rohingyas. He claimed that when authorities take action to expel illegal immigrants, Opposition leaders come out in their defence, alleging that many of them have been facilitated with voter registrations and Aadhaar cards.

Meanwhile, tensions between India and Bangladesh have been visible following recent developments. India summoned the Bangladesh High Commissioner for the second time in a week amid concerns arising from incidents in the neighbouring country.

The summons came in the backdrop of protests in Bangladesh following the killing of student leader Sharif Osman Hadi and the lynching of Dipu Chandra Das in separate incidents. Dipu Das, a 27-year-old youth from Mymensingh district, was beaten to death by a mob over alleged blasphemy on December 18, and his body was later set on fire, triggering widespread outrage.

The Interim Government of Bangladesh condemned the incident. Education Adviser C R Abrar visited the bereaved family on behalf of the government, expressed condolences, and assured them of financial and welfare assistance. The Office of the Chief Adviser also reiterated its resolve to protect all citizens and ensure justice in the case.

The killing has once again raised concerns at the international level over the safety and security of minorities in Bangladesh, with minority groups demanding strict action against those responsible.

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Jammu and Kashmir High Court rejects Mehbooba Mufti’s plea on undertrial prisoners, calls it politically motivated

The Jammu and Kashmir High Court has rejected Mehbooba Mufti’s PIL on undertrial prisoners, stating it was politically motivated and lacked factual basis.

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Mehbooba mufti

The Jammu and Kashmir High Court has dismissed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by People’s Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti seeking the transfer of undertrial prisoners lodged in jails outside the Union Territory back to prisons within Jammu and Kashmir. The court termed the petition politically motivated, vague and unsupported by facts, observing that it was an attempt to derive political mileage rather than address a genuine public cause.

A bench headed by Chief Justice Arun Palli and Justice Rajnesh Oswal made it clear that public interest litigation cannot be used as a tool to advance political agendas or convert courts into platforms for electoral positioning.

Court says PIL cannot become a political platform

In its observations, the High Court said the plea appeared aimed at projecting the petitioner as a champion of justice for a specific section, rather than raising substantiated legal concerns. The bench underlined that while political parties are free to engage with voters through democratic means, the judiciary must remain insulated from political campaigns.

The court reiterated that PIL jurisdiction is meant to safeguard public interest and not to be misused for electoral gain or political leverage. It cautioned against attempts to draw the judiciary into political narratives.

Undertrials have legal remedies, says court

In the 15-page order passed on Tuesday, the High Court noted that the undertrial prisoners mentioned in the petition are already facing trial before competent courts. According to the bench, adequate judicial remedies are available to such undertrials to raise grievances related to their detention or place of incarceration.

The court further observed that the failure of the concerned undertrials to approach courts on their own indicated that they may not be genuinely aggrieved by their confinement in prisons outside the Union Territory.

No locus standi, petition dismissed

Dismissing the plea, the High Court held that Mehbooba Mufti was a third-party stranger to the cause and therefore lacked the locus standi to invoke the court’s jurisdiction in this matter. The petition was described as misconceived and was rejected accordingly.

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BJP raises seat offer to Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena to nearly 90 ahead of Mumbai civic polls, talks continue

The BJP has raised its seat offer to Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena to nearly 90 for the upcoming BMC elections, but fresh talks are needed as differences persist within the Mahayuti.

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With the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections drawing closer, the seat-sharing tussle within the Mahayuti alliance continues, with the BJP increasing its offer to Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena but failing to reach the party’s expectations.

According to sources, the BJP has now proposed close to 90 seats for the Shinde faction in the upcoming Mumbai civic polls. This is a significant jump from its earlier offer of 52 seats but still falls short of what Shinde is seeking. The Shiv Sena leader has reportedly reduced his demand from an initial 125 seats to 112, yet remains dissatisfied with the latest formula.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is expected to hold another round of discussions with Shinde to break the deadlock. Sources indicate that the BJP is unlikely to stretch its offer much further, especially after its strong showing in recent statewide local body elections.

BJP firm after strong local poll performance

The BJP has emerged as the single largest party in the recent local polls, securing 117 municipal president posts. In comparison, the Shinde-led Shiv Sena won 53 posts, while Ajit Pawar’s faction of the NCP secured 37. These results have strengthened the BJP’s negotiating position ahead of the BMC elections.

However, the current seat-sharing calculations could change if Ajit Pawar decides to contest the Mumbai civic polls as part of the alliance. Senior NCP leader Sunil Tatkare confirmed that no final decision has been taken yet, noting that discussions with alliance partners are ongoing.

Nawab Malik factor complicates alliance talks

A major point of contention within the Mahayuti is the issue of senior NCP leader Nawab Malik, who is facing multiple corruption cases, including a money laundering case linked to underworld activities. While the alliance has made it clear that Malik is unacceptable as part of its Mumbai setup, Ajit Pawar is reportedly firm on backing him.

Mumbai BJP chief Ameet Satam has publicly stated that the party would not align with any group that includes Malik. Sources added that if the NCP joins the alliance in Mumbai, it may be asked to project a different leader and contest a limited number of seats.

BMC elections timeline

The countdown to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections has already begun, with less than a month left for polling. Voting is scheduled for January 15, with counting set to take place the following day. A total of 2,869 municipal seats will be contested, including 227 seats in the BMC.

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