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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from [email protected] made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Delhi Assembly elections: BJP promises free education and student aid, AAP raises concerns

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Arvind Kejriwal addressing media after writing to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on BJP’s alleged electoral misconduct

As Delhi gears up for the upcoming assembly elections on February 5, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) released the second installment of its election manifesto, promising comprehensive solutions to citizen issues and tackling misgovernance and corruption allegations against the incumbent Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

The manifesto, dubbed ‘sankalp patra,’ includes significant pledges such as free education from pre-school to postgraduate levels for needy students at government institutions, and a financial package comprising Rs 15,000 and travel reimbursements for young individuals taking entrance exams. Scheduled Caste students enrolled in technical and professional courses are also promised a monthly stipend of Rs 1,000.

Building on their first manifesto which targeted women voters, the BJP’s latest promises focus on the youth, with over 1.5 lakh set to benefit from a new skills training program. This release follows criticisms by AAP of the BJP’s approach, especially after the tragic incident last July where three civil service aspirants lost their lives due to flooding.

Anurag Thakur, former Union Minister, emphasized the ‘Modi ki guarantee’ assurance, stating these initiatives would be implemented swiftly if the BJP is elected. The manifesto also includes welfare measures for domestic workers and insurance schemes for auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers, who have traditionally been a strong support base for AAP.

In response, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal critiqued the BJP’s plans, particularly highlighting a clause that, according to him, would limit free education to only “eligible” children, deviating from AAP’s policy of universal free education. Kejriwal also recalled BJP’s earlier statement on discontinuing free healthcare, framing these promises as a threat to the financial stability of Delhi’s households.

The AAP’s counter-campaign warns voters that electing BJP could lead to increased living costs and bureaucratic hurdles in accessing education and healthcare, urging the electorate to consider these factors carefully. With the election results due on February 8, both parties continue to vie for public favor through promises aimed at key demographics.

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Uttarakhand State cabinet approves uniform civil code manual, dates for rollout soon

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Pushkar Singh Dhami

In a significant step toward legal reform, the Uttarakhand Cabinet, led by Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami, has approved the manual for the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code (UCC). The approval came during a Cabinet meeting held at the state secretariat on Monday. The dates for the rollout of the UCC will be announced soon.

This decision follows partial amendments made to the rules previously drafted for the UCC’s implementation. The amendments were thoroughly examined and finalised with input from the Law Department, with the Cabinet’s discussion focusing on the smooth execution of the law.

Post-meeting, Chief Minister Dhami expressed his satisfaction with the progress, underlining the government’s commitment to fulfilling a key electoral promise. “We had assured the people of Uttarakhand during the 2022 elections that the UCC would be implemented promptly once our government came to power. With the draft committee’s work complete, we are now closer to fulfilling that promise,” Dhami stated.

Uttarakhand’s implementation of the UCC will make it the first state in India to adopt a comprehensive civil law framework for all religious communities. The UCC aims to standardize laws in areas such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption, and maintenance. While India already has a Uniform Criminal Code, a unified civil law has not existed until now.

The UCC will explicitly exclude tribal communities and prohibit practices such as ‘halala’, ‘iddat’, and ‘talaq’, which are part of Muslim Personal Law. The law itself consists of 392 sections and is divided into seven schedules. The comprehensive 750-page draft, which spans four volumes, was prepared by a five-member expert committee formed in June 2022 to examine the feasibility of introducing the UCC in Uttarakhand.

Led by Retired Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai, the committee submitted the final draft to the state government on February 2, 2024. The draft received approval from the state Cabinet on February 4, followed by ratification by the state Assembly during a special session. Governor Lt. Gen Gurmit Singh (Retd) gave the green light on February 28, marking the UCC’s passage into law, a move hailed as a historic milestone in Indian legal history.

While the implementation dates are yet to be finalized, the Cabinet’s approval signals that Uttarakhand is poised to set a significant legal precedent in India.

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Supreme Court grants interim relief to Rahul Gandhi in defamation case over remarks against Amit Shah

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Rahul Gandhi talking to a family of a patient outside AIIMS during a cold night.

In a significant legal development, the Supreme Court of India has granted interim relief to Congress leader Rahul Gandhi by staying the defamation proceedings against him in a Jharkhand court. The case, which dates back to 2018, revolves around allegedly derogatory remarks made by Gandhi about Union Minister Amit Shah, who was then serving as the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

A bench comprising Justices Vikram Nath and Sandeep Mehta passed the order while hearing a petition filed by Gandhi seeking to quash the defamation case. The court has issued notices to both the Jharkhand government and Naveen Jha, a BJP worker who had filed the complaint, directing them to submit their responses within four weeks.

In his arguments, Senior Advocate Dr. Abhishek Manu Singhvi, representing Rahul Gandhi, pointed out previous rulings where it was made clear that only the aggrieved party can file a criminal defamation complaint. Singhvi argued that the complaint, in this case, had been filed by a proxy third party and thus should not be entertained.

The defamation case against Gandhi had been under trial in the MP/MLA court in Chaibasa, Jharkhand. In February of the previous year, the lower court had issued a non-bailable warrant for his appearance after he failed to attend hearings. Despite Gandhi’s request for exemption from physical appearance, the court had refused to provide relief, prompting him to approach the Jharkhand High Court. However, the high court had declined to interfere in the matter, leaving Gandhi with no option but to challenge the case in the Supreme Court.

The top court’s intervention has now provided a temporary reprieve to Gandhi, with the matter scheduled to be taken up for further hearing in six weeks. This development marks an important chapter in the ongoing legal battle involving the Congress leader and the BJP.

As the case progresses, the outcome could have significant implications not only for Rahul Gandhi but also for the broader political landscape in the country, as defamation lawsuits continue to be a contentious issue in Indian politics.

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