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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from windmerumalai@gmail.com made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Congress chief Kharge says BJP won Maharashtra elections through fraud like never before

He issued a stern warning to party members who do not contribute to the party’s efforts, suggesting that they should consider stepping aside.

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Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge on Wednesday alleged that the BJP secured its victory in the Maharashtra assembly elections through unprecedented “fraud,” and called for a return to using ballot papers instead of electronic voting machines (EVMs).

Speaking at the AICC session held along the banks of the Sabarmati River, Kharge accused the Modi government of “selling off” government assets to favor cronies while gradually undermining democracy.

Kharge pointed out that while many nations are moving away from EVMs to traditional ballots, India remains locked in using the electronic system. “What occurred in Maharashtra was fraudulent, and this is something Rahul Gandhi and our party have raised extensively,” he stated. He highlighted that the BJP’s sweeping success in winning 90% of the assembly seats was an unprecedented feat.

In his address, Kharge claimed that the ruling party has attacked the Constitution and its institutions over the past eleven years. He criticized the government for manipulating parliamentary procedures, which has prevented opposition leaders from voicing their concerns. He specifically remarked on the late-night debates that prioritized divisive issues over pressing matters affecting the public.

Kharge expressed grave concerns about the state of democracy in India, arguing that the BJP was establishing monopolies by funneling resources to a few capitalist allies. He also claimed that the rights of SC, ST, and OBC communities are at risk due to privatization efforts, emphasizing the urgent need for a nationwide caste census to better address the needs of these groups.

In a pointed critique of the government’s financial policies, Kharge denounced the rising excise duties on petrol and diesel as well as the increasing price of LPG cylinders. He issued a stern warning to party members who do not contribute to the party’s efforts, suggesting that they should consider stepping aside.

The Congress session also paid tribute to party members who passed away since the last meeting, including former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The gathering aims to articulate the party’s social, political, and economic viewpoints and is expected to lead to the passage of at least two resolutions.

In a strategic move to counter the BJP’s narrative of nationalism, Congress reasserted its claim to the legacy of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pledging to engage in an “ideological war” against the BJP-RSS alliance.

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BJP suspends Gyandev Ahuja for purifying temple after Dalit Congress MLA’s visit

BJP suspends Rajasthan leader Gyandev Ahuja after he performed a ‘purification ritual’ at a temple following a visit by Dalit Congress MLA Tikaram Jully.

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Gyandev Ahuja temple purification

The BJP has suspended Gyandev Ahuja after the Rajasthan leader sprinkled gangajal to purify a temple in Alwar, following a visit by Congress MLA Tikaram Jully, a Dalit and Leader of the Opposition in the Rajasthan Assembly. The suspension comes amid mounting pressure from the opposition and growing criticism from civil society over what is being widely condemned as a casteist act.

The BJP’s Rajasthan unit, wary of alienating Dalit voters in eastern Rajasthan ahead of key elections, swiftly acted against Ahuja. The party, in a notice issued by BJP MP Damodar Agarwal, has given Ahuja three days to explain his conduct. The notice accuses him of violating the oath taken during party membership, which prohibits discrimination based on caste, gender, or religion.

“Your action has maligned the party’s image and falls into the category of indiscipline,” the BJP’s show cause notice against Ahuja reads. If the leader fails to respond to state BJP president Madan Rathore within the stipulated time, he may face further disciplinary action.

The controversy erupted after a Ramnavami consecration ceremony at a temple in Alwar, where Tikaram Jully was one of the guests. A day later, Gyandev Ahuja performed a purification ritual at the same temple, claiming the premises had become impure due to Jully’s presence. A video of the act, in which he is seen sprinkling gangajal and conducting a puja, went viral on social media, prompting severe criticism from the Congress and Dalit leaders.

Mr Ahuja, however, defended his actions, saying he had no personal animosity against Jully but blamed the Congress for hypocrisy over religious issues. “The Congress calls Ram Setu fictional. Then why do they come to a temple?” he asked.

Congress condemns remarks as casteist, demands accountability

Tikaram Jully, reacting to Ahuja’s actions, said, “This is not just an attack on my faith but a statement that encourages a crime like untouchability.” He also questioned whether BJP leaders believe Dalits are unfit to perform religious rituals.

Senior Congress leaders also slammed the BJP. Former Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot called the act unacceptable in a civilised society, while Congress MP Jairam Ramesh said Ahuja’s actions insult the ideals of Lord Ram and demanded an apology from the BJP leadership.

Not Ahuja’s first brush with controversy

Gyandev Ahuja, who served as MLA from Ramgarh between 2013 and 2018, has a history of controversial remarks. In 2016, he falsely claimed thousands of condoms and liquor bottles were found daily at JNU. In 2017, he defended the lynching of Pehlu Khan, a dairy farmer, by cow vigilantes, saying those who smuggle cows deserve such fate.

His repeated inflammatory statements have long drawn criticism, but this latest episode appears to have forced the BJP to take public action.

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Supreme Court slams Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi over Bills, calls action illegal

In a strong rebuke to RN Ravi, the Supreme Court has declared his withholding of Tamil Nadu Bills illegal and arbitrary, reinforcing limits on Governor’s discretion.

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Supreme Court

In a significant setback for Tamil Nadu Governor RN Ravi, the Supreme Court of India has ruled that his action of withholding assent and subsequently reserving 10 key Bills for the President was “illegal” and “arbitrary.” The court sided with the MK Stalin-led state government, asserting that the Governor failed to act in good faith.

A bench comprising Justice JB Pardiwala and Justice R Mahadevan declared that the Governor’s decision to reserve the re-passed Bills for the President’s consideration was constitutionally impermissible. The court said all such actions by the Governor “are set aside,” and the 10 Bills in question “shall be deemed to be cleared from the date they were re-presented to him.”

Citing Article 200 of the Constitution, the bench emphasized that while Governors do have limited discretion — such as giving assent, withholding it, or reserving a Bill — once a Bill is re-passed by the Assembly, the Governor must give assent and cannot further delay or reserve it again. The ruling reinforces that a Governor cannot act on personal opinion or political preference when the democratic will of the legislature is clear.

The judgment also prescribed strict timelines to prevent indefinite delays by Governors. The court stated that a Governor must act on a Bill within one month — either by giving assent, withholding assent, or reserving it for the President’s consideration with the aid and advice of the Council of Ministers.

Judicial scrutiny for future delays

Highlighting the misuse of discretion, the Supreme Court warned that any failure to act within this stipulated timeframe would invite judicial scrutiny. The ruling is expected to have nationwide implications, especially in states where confrontations between Raj Bhavans and elected governments have become frequent.

This verdict is widely seen as a win for federalism and legislative supremacy, reinforcing the accountability of constitutional authorities to the elected governments they serve.

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