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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from [email protected] made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

—the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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CJP leaders Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka, Ajinkya Shinde sent to 5-day judicial custody

Three CJP leaders, Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka and Ajinkya Shinde, were placed under preventive arrest following a protest at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar over Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

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Three leaders of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) — Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka and Ajinkya Shinde — have been placed under preventive arrest in connection with a protest at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, where demonstrators demanded the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.

The three were detained early Tuesday after crossing police barricades and entering Jantar Mantar, which was recently removed from the list of designated protest venues. A case was registered against them over their alleged actions.

According to the police case, the charges include trespassing, violation of a bond, and obstructing a public official from performing official duties.

The three leaders were produced before a Special Court of the Executive Magistrate on Wednesday and could be sent to judicial custody at Tihar Jail.

Why CJP leaders protested at Jantar Mantar

The protest comes amid demonstrations by the CJP and opposition groups over alleged irregularities in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

The protesters were demanding the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. The controversy centres on allegations concerning the electoral roll revision exercise, which the Election Commission and the BJP have denied.

Jantar Mantar was recently removed from the list of designated protest venues in Delhi. The change followed an order naming alternative locations for demonstrations, prompting criticism from groups that want to hold protests at the established site.

CJP legal team raises concerns over detention

Ratna Singh, head of the CJP legal team, said in a post on X that Delhi Police had arrested Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka and Ajinkya Shinde at Parliament Street Police Station in connection with the Jantar Mantar case.

Singh alleged that the three were brought to the police station in a private van at around 3 am and were not allowed to meet their lawyers until late at night.

She also raised concerns about the legal process and the possibility of the leaders being sent to judicial custody.

The allegations regarding access to legal counsel were made by the CJP legal team and should be distinguished from the charges registered by the police.

The arrests mark another development in the ongoing dispute over protests at Jantar Mantar and the CJP’s campaign against the Chief Election Commissioner over the SIR exercise.

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BJP focuses on religion as opposition pushes BDM strategy in UP

The BJP is emphasising religious issues ahead of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, while opposition parties are seeking to consolidate Backward, Dalit and Minority voters. Recent exchanges involving Yogi Adityanath, Akhilesh Yadav and Asaduddin Owaisi have added to the political contest over the state’s electoral narrative.

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Ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, the BJP is emphasising religious issues, while opposition parties are seeking to build a coalition of Backward, Dalit and Minority voters. The competing approaches have brought caste representation and religious messaging to the forefront of the state’s political discourse.

Recent temple-related controversies in Kashi, Ayodhya, Mathura and Sambhal have brought religious messaging back into the political conversation. The developments have also coincided with exchanges between Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav over possible electoral contests.

Yogi Adityanath, Akhilesh Yadav trade election challenges

The latest round of political exchanges followed Yogi Adityanath’s invocation of the “80-20” formula during the Rajya Sabha election. Akhilesh Yadav subsequently challenged the Chief Minister to contest from Ayodhya.

During his visit to Ayodhya, the Samajwadi Party president attended a Bhagwat Katha but did not visit the Ram Mandir for darshan. His visit, during which he attended a Bhagwat Katha but did not visit the Ram Mandir for darshan, became another point of political discussion.

The Chief Minister responded during a visit to Balrampur, asking Akhilesh Yadav to contest against him.

The exchanges continued as political leaders questioned the Samajwadi Party chief’s religious outreach. State minister Om Prakash Rajbhar asked why Yadav had not visited Mathura, while AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi challenged him to contest from Sambhal.

Responding to questions about the challenges, Akhilesh Yadav said the Chief Minister does not decide which candidates the parties nominate.

At a press conference in Lucknow, Yadav also remarked, “What could be better than getting the Chief Minister’s chair without even contesting the election?” His comment suggested that Adityanath might not contest the Assembly elections.

Adityanath, meanwhile, said he was pleased to have several options available to him.

BJP works on its own caste coalition

Alongside its emphasis on religious issues, the BJP is also seeking to broaden its social support base through caste representation.

During the Rajya Sabha elections, the party fielded three candidates from Backward Classes, two Dalits, two Brahmins and one Rajput. The Backward Class candidates included representatives of the Pal, Kurmi and Lodh communities.

The report describes the BJP’s selection of candidates from the Sonkar and Rawat communities as an attempt to attract support among the Gaur and Jatav Dalit vote banks. Its selection of two Brahmins and one Rajput was also part of its outreach to upper-caste voters.

These choices reflect the BJP’s efforts to build a social coalition that extends beyond its religious messaging as the state approaches the next Assembly election.

Akhilesh Yadav balances caste outreach with temple politics

The Samajwadi Party is also combining its BDM approach with religious outreach, described in the report as “soft Hindutva”.

Akhilesh Yadav is overseeing the construction of the Kedareshwar Temple in Etawah. When questioned about not visiting the Ram Mandir during his Ayodhya trip, he said he was waiting for the temple’s “Pran Pratishtha”, or consecration ceremony, implying that the ceremony held in 2024 did not count.

Yadav has also raised the issue of alleged theft of offerings at the Ram Temple, a move the report interprets as an attempt to appeal to Hindu voters.

The competing strategies indicate that caste representation, religious issues and temple-related controversies are all featuring in political messaging ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

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L Murugan quits Union ministry to strengthen BJP in Tamil Nadu

L Murugan has resigned from his Union ministerial post and Rajya Sabha membership, saying he wants to return to grassroots politics and dedicate himself to strengthening the BJP in Tamil Nadu before the 2029 Lok Sabha elections.

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L Murugan

L Murugan has resigned from his position as Union Minister of State and his Rajya Sabha membership, saying he wants to return to grassroots politics and work towards strengthening the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Tamil Nadu ahead of the 2029 Lok Sabha elections.

Murugan, who held the portfolios of Information and Broadcasting and Parliamentary Affairs, announced his decision in a post on X on Tuesday, October 13. He described his time in the Union government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership as a great honour and said he wanted to devote himself full-time to the party’s work in Tamil Nadu.

L Murugan says he wants to return to grassroots politics

In his post, Murugan expressed gratitude for the opportunity to serve in the Union Council of Ministers and highlighted his background as the son of daily-wage labourers.

He said he now wished to return to the grassroots, stand alongside BJP workers and dedicate his time to strengthening the party in Tamil Nadu before the next Lok Sabha elections.

Murugan’s stated objective is to help expand the BJP’s presence in the state and contribute to the party’s performance in the 2029 general elections.

Murugan’s resignation comes amid Cabinet reshuffle speculation

His decision comes amid speculation about a possible reshuffle in the Union government. The discussion gained momentum after several Rajya Sabha MPs and ministers, including Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri, were not renominated.

However, the report does not establish that the speculation about a Cabinet reshuffle was the reason for Murugan’s resignation. His publicly stated reason was his desire to return to grassroots work and strengthen the BJP in Tamil Nadu.

Murugan thanks PM Modi for the opportunity to serve

Murugan described serving India and Tamil Nadu under Modi’s leadership as one of the greatest privileges of his life. He also referred to his journey from a family of daily-wage labourers to the Union Council of Ministers.

His announcement places his immediate political focus on Tamil Nadu, with the BJP’s preparations for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections forming a central part of his stated plans.

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