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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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10 years ago

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from [email protected] made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

—the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Kharge, Rahul Gandhi skip Independence Day event for 2nd straight year

Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi skipped the 80th Independence Day celebrations at the Red Fort for the second consecutive year.

Published

18 hours ago

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August 15, 2026

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Rahul Kharge

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi skipped the 80th Independence Day celebrations at Delhi’s Red Fort for the second consecutive year.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the Independence Day celebrations at the historic venue on Saturday.

The absence of the two senior Congress leaders comes amid strained relations between the ruling party and the Opposition, which further deteriorated during the Monsoon Session of Parliament that concluded on Thursday.

2024 seating controversy

Rahul Gandhi had attended the Independence Day celebrations in 2024 but his seating arrangement triggered a controversy. The Congress leader, who holds the status of a Cabinet minister as Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, was seated in the second-last row during the ceremony at the Red Fort.

The Opposition had criticised the seating arrangement, calling it an insult to the people. The Defence Ministry, which organised the event, said the arrangement had been modified to accommodate Olympians at the venue.

According to protocol, the Leader of the Opposition is seated in the front row during ceremonial events.

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Relations between the government and the Opposition remained tense during the Monsoon Session, which ended on Thursday.

The session saw repeated clashes between the two sides, with both the Opposition and the ruling party blaming each other for the low productivity of Parliament.

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The Congress, along with the Trinamool Congress and Samajwadi Party, also boycotted the customary tea party hosted by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla after the House was adjourned sine die.

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Assam BJP leader Bikash Dhar found dead, 5 arrested for murder

BJP leader Bikash Dhar, 52, was found dead in an abandoned house in Assam’s Sribhumi district after being reported missing on August 12. Police have arrested five people in connection with the alleged murder.

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1 day ago

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August 14, 2026

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A 52-year-old BJP leader who had been missing for two days was found dead in Assam’s Sribhumi district on Friday, with police alleging that he was murdered.

Bikash Dhar, a resident of Chagalmowa village under Bazaricherra police station, was found dead inside an abandoned house in the Yogicherra area near the Tripura border on Friday morning.

Dhar’s family had filed a missing complaint on August 12 after he left home following a phone call.

According to his son Madan Dhar, Bikash left around 1 pm after saying that he had to attend an emergency meeting. When he did not return and his phone was switched off, the family began searching for him and later approached the police.

Five arrested in murder case

Sribhumi Superintendent of Police Leena Doley said an investigation was launched after the missing complaint was received. The probe was conducted under the supervision of the Additional Superintendent of Police (Crime).

Police said five people have been arrested in connection with the alleged murder. They were identified as Abdul Salam, Sifat Ali, Abdul Ahad, Saiful Ali and Badrul Haque.

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Another person, identified as Sunam Miya, was named during the investigation and reportedly fled to Tripura on the night of the incident.

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Police said they fired at Haque’s leg to prevent him from escaping, resulting in a bullet wound.

The investigation into the circumstances surrounding Dhar’s death and the alleged involvement of the accused is underway.

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Karnataka Cabinet clears public property bill amid RSS registration row

Karnataka Cabinet approves a Bill to regulate the use of government premises and public property amid a political row over RSS registration.

Published

2 days ago

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August 14, 2026

By

Priyank Kharge

The Karnataka Cabinet has approved a proposed law to regulate the use of government premises and public property in the state, amid an ongoing political debate over the registration and use of public spaces by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

The Karnataka Regulation of Use of Government Premises and Public Property Bill, 2026 was cleared by the Cabinet, Home Minister Priyank Kharge said after the meeting.

According to the government, the proposed legislation aims to establish a legal framework governing the use of government lands, buildings, playgrounds, parks, roads and other public assets by private individuals, organisations, associations and societies.

Kharge said the objective was to prevent unauthorised use and misuse of public property while ensuring that such assets are protected for public benefit.

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It also proposes provisions for penalties in cases involving misuse of government premises or damage to public property, according to officials.

The government is expected to introduce the Bill in the Karnataka legislature, where it will be taken up for discussion and passage.

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The proposed legislation comes against the backdrop of a row involving the RSS and its use of public property in Karnataka.

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The issue has been part of a wider political debate since 2025, with Kharge opposing the use of government premises and public property by the RSS and calling for the organisation to register formally.

In June, Kharge also wrote to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat seeking clarity on the organisation’s legal status, financial transparency and constitutional accountability.

The development is likely to keep the debate over the use of public property and the legal status of organisations in Karnataka in focus as the proposed legislation moves to the state legislature.

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