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Jallikattu: Political rumblings on the Marina?

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Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Making sense of mass protests against the ban on jallikattu

SS Kumar

The jallikattu protests animating Tamil Nadu over the last week are not really about jallikattu: anything but. And it’s not about spontaneity, again.

Of the tens of thousands gathered at the Marina—under the benign and approving eye of the state police—it’s unlikely even one percent is likely to have seen a jallikattu performance. If it was about anything, it was about Tamil pride: read, a palpable sense of Tamil victimhood.

T Ramakrishnan, the son of the noted Tamil writer Ashokamitran, a senior Hindu journalist and a keen political observer, suggested: If J Jayalalithaa were alive, this wouldn’t be happening. How so? The jallikattu ban cropped up in 2015 and 2016, but roused no passions as long as Jaya was around; after that, it was an issue waiting to happen. Whether this says anything about the Tamil psyche and its yearning for a strong imperious leader like her, MGR, or M Karunanidhi or not, there is a perception that Tamilians’ maryaadai (respect, pride) was at stake. This, in essence, is what it’s about.

So, ordinary Tamils chafing at what they perceive are slights … Karnataka defying the Supreme Court and withholding Cauvery water, Kerala’s intransigence over the Mullaperiyar dam, and a feeling that the central government was not sympathetic to the state… waiting for an issue to vent all that pent up feeling.

And happen it did after an extraordinary series of circumstances. The immediate provocation was a report that spread like wildfire that central government offices would stay open in the state on Pongal day with Tamil staff allowed the day off, when the practice was that central government offices were closed for Pongal… as for other regional holidays in other states.

That marked the start: in no time, it spread from the traditional jallikattu areas in central Tamil Nadu—Alanganallur in Madurai district is the epicentre of the jallikattu tradition, a hangover from a feudal sport of the mirasdars/zamindars, much like the gladiatorial contests of ancient Rome. No more, no less… and certainly not intrinsic to Tamil culture, or the state as a whole—jallikattu is unheard of in the Nilgiris district; the northern districts of the state where Chennai lies; or the deep south.

And yet, groups of protesters in every locality, every major traffic junction, every neighbourhood are raising the slogan “jallikattu vendum” (we want jallikattu) as if their birthright was being snatched away.

On the Marina, the crowd chanted, “Tamizhan endru sollu da, thalai nimirnthu nillu da (Say you’re a Tamil, hold your head up high!).” On Friday, January 20, the swelling youth protest against the ban on jallikattu (the sport of bull taming, literally the (salli) coins tied to a bull’s horns (kattu) entered into its fourth day—leaving the government scrambling to find a solution.

How much of a role did social media play in propelling the demonstrations? Many have cited WhatsApp as a key driver—interestingly, as I was writing this, a mail dropped into my box, extolling Tamil as the only surviving classical language (with a link to a Hindu article), and concluding with the ringing declaration that “Tamilian is not identified by caste and community, but a powerful organised civilization.” And the punchline at the end: Tamilan endru sollada. Coincidence? Hardly.

But the anonymous e-mail from [email protected] made an interesting point—the students seem united by a Tamil identity, an identity transcending caste and community, so ingrained in Tamil society, just below the surface, seething, simmering… and ready to explode into violence. One of the striking things is the sheer numbers of women and children at the protest, and the sight of scores of young Muslim women with head scarves. Yes, community transcended.

Spontaneity? The organisation was far too efficient and streamlined for this to be the case. Food packets—and the well-loved biryani—kept arriving by the truckloads, with teams of volunteers at hand to distribute them; chai served up as a welcome drink; mobile toilets and caravans for women to freshen up. No, it was being orchestrated; but by who?

One clue: Narendra Modi has quickly become the villain of the piece. If Modi and the BJP, scented an opportunity after Jaya’s passing to make inroads, it’s certainly been set back. Many in political circles believe it’s an attempt by Christian and Muslim groups to foster a pan-Tamil identity to keep Hindutva forces from regrouping.

If that is indeed the case, then the strategy has been a smashing success; established parties have been left behind and are now scrambling to catch up, lest they lose their relevance too. The ruling AIADMK, DMK, the Left, the Pattali Makkal Katchi, even fringe pro-Eelam and Dalit outfits, who’ve always exerted an influence all out of proportion to their numbers, must be scratching their heads.

Although the Modi government has approved an ordinance brought about by the Tamil Nadu government in favour of jallikattu but what it has done is to unleash Tamil identity politics again. The last time it happened, during the anti-Hindi riots of 1965, it led to the decimation of the Congress and the rise of the Dravidian parties: a tectonic shift. Will jallikattu do the same?

—the writer is a former associate editor of The Hindu, The Hindu
BusinessLine and Acting Editor of The New Sunday Express

Lead picture: Protestors at Marina Beach, Chennai, demanding that the ban on jallikattu be lifted. Photos: UNI[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Hardeep Singh Puri set to win Rajya Sabha bypoll unopposed

Union Minister Hardeep Singh Puri is set to be elected unopposed to the Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh after the returning officer rejected the nomination papers of two independent candidates.

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Hardeep Puri

Union Petroleum Minister Hardeep Singh Puri is set to enter the Rajya Sabha unopposed from Madhya Pradesh after the nomination papers of two independent candidates were rejected during scrutiny on Tuesday.

The two candidates whose nominations were rejected were Kante Sayanna and Rajkumar Lohani, the latter being backed by the Congress. Their rejection leaves Puri as the only candidate in the contest for the vacant Rajya Sabha seat.

According to an official, the result will be announced on November 5, which is also the last date for withdrawal of nominations.

The Returning Officer, Umesh Sharma, examined the nomination papers on the last day of scrutiny and rejected the two independent candidates’ applications.

Objections raised against Hardeep Puri’s nomination

The nomination papers submitted by Puri also faced objections from the two independent candidates and Congress leader Hemant Katare.

They questioned the validity and completeness of Puri’s affidavit filed in Form 26, raising concerns over whether the mandatory details had been properly furnished.

However, after examining the objections, Returning Officer Umesh Sharma concluded that Puri had not violated any requirements under the Representation of the People Act.

Sharma stated in his order that no defect had been found in Puri’s nomination papers that could justify their rejection.

Following the decision, Katare and Congress MLA Atif Aqeel announced that they would approach the court against the order.

Calling the decision an attack on Indian democracy, the Congress leaders said in a statement that Puri’s nomination should have been rejected despite what they described as significant errors.

Why the Madhya Pradesh Rajya Sabha seat fell vacant

The by-election was necessitated by the resignation of Union Minister L Murugan, which left a Rajya Sabha seat vacant in Madhya Pradesh.

With the nomination papers of both independent candidates rejected and Puri’s nomination cleared, the Union minister is set to be elected unopposed.

The final announcement is expected on November 5, the last day for withdrawal of nominations.

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Yogi Adityanath announces free LPG cylinders on Diwali and Holi

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has announced one free LPG cylinder each on Diwali and Holi for eligible Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana beneficiaries. The state has allocated Rs 1,500 crore for LPG refill subsidies covering more than 1.89 crore beneficiaries.

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Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Tuesday announced that eligible families covered under the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) will receive one free LPG cylinder each on Diwali and Holi.

The announcement came as the Chief Minister participated in a programme organised for distributing LPG refill subsidies to more than 1.89 crore beneficiaries across the state.

The Uttar Pradesh government has allocated Rs 1,500 crore for providing subsidies on LPG cylinder refills to eligible families under the scheme.

Addressing the gathering, Adityanath explained the cost of a domestic LPG cylinder and the subsidy provided by the Centre.

“The price of one domestic gas cylinder is Rs 983.45, and out of this, the Government of India provides a subsidy of Rs 335. You have to spend Rs 648.55 from your own pocket,” he said.

The Chief Minister said the state government had decided to provide one cylinder to poor families covered under the Ujjwala scheme on Diwali and Holi.

“With the money you save, you can buy Diwali sweets and lamps,” he said.

Yogi Adityanath targets previous Congress government

During his address, Adityanath also compared the availability of LPG connections under the present government with the situation during the Congress government’s tenure.

He said people previously faced several difficulties in obtaining a single gas connection, while the present government had provided free gas connections to poor families.

The Chief Minister described the initiative as an example of good governance.

Yogi Adityanath on Ayodhya’s Deepotsav

Earlier on Tuesday, Adityanath described Ayodhya’s Deepotsav, scheduled for November 7, as a symbol of social unity.

In a post on X, he said the festival brought together people from different sections of society through shared faith and cultural participation.

He also referred to the Deepotsav tradition initiated by the state government in 2017, saying it had transformed Ayodhya’s cultural heritage into a celebration involving people from different walks of life.

The Chief Minister is scheduled to visit Ayodhya to review preparations for the event.

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Election Commission clarifies Form 6 rules for existing voters under SIR

The Election Commission has clarified that voters previously enrolled in electoral rolls can submit Form 6 for inclusion if their names are missing from draft lists published during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR).

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Election Commission of India

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has clarified that voters whose names appeared in earlier electoral rolls but are missing from draft lists published during the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) can submit Form 6 to seek inclusion in the final electoral roll.

In a communication issued on November 3 to the Chief Electoral Officers (CEOs) of all states and Union Territories, the poll body addressed concerns among previously registered voters who were hesitant to submit the form because of the declaration required alongside it.

The Commission clarified that submitting Form 6 in such circumstances would not, by itself, amount to making a false declaration merely because the applicant had been enrolled as a voter previously.

It also stated that no action under Section 31 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, would be initiated against such applicants solely on the ground of their previous enrolment.

However, this protection applies provided the applicant is not already registered in another Parliamentary or Assembly constituency and the declaration submitted is otherwise in accordance with the law.

Why existing voters were hesitant to submit Form 6

The clarification follows concerns that some previously enrolled voters were reluctant to apply for inclusion in the electoral roll after finding their names missing from the draft lists published during the SIR exercise.

Form 6 requires applicants to furnish a declaration stating that their names are being included in the electoral roll for the first time.

This created apprehensions among previously registered voters, who feared that submitting the form despite their earlier enrolment could be treated as a false declaration and expose them to prosecution under Section 31 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950.

The Election Commission has now clarified that earlier registration does not prevent an eligible voter from submitting Form 6 again when their name does not appear in the draft electoral roll.

Election Commission refers to Delhi High Court order

In its communication, the Commission also referred to the Delhi High Court’s October 14 order in the case of Nilotpal Datta and another versus the Election Commission of India and others.

The case concerned an applicant who had previously been enrolled as a voter but was apprehensive about submitting Form 6 because of the declaration that the name was being included in the electoral roll for the first time.

The High Court observed that the petitioners’ apprehension was misplaced and allowed them to submit Form 6, if they wished, for processing in accordance with the law.

The Election Commission’s latest clarification is in line with this judicial observation.

EC asks states and UTs to publicise clarification

The poll body has asked Chief Electoral Officers across all states and Union Territories to ensure that the clarification reaches concerned voters.

It has also requested officials to publicise the information widely through available media platforms and in local languages so that eligible voters are aware of the procedure for seeking inclusion in the electoral roll.

The clarification comes amid ongoing concerns and legal challenges surrounding the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls and the process of re-enrolling voters whose names do not appear in draft lists.

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