Kanhaiya Kumar can get the Congress some traction but what next?
Kanhaiya Kumar, former JNUSU president, can be an asset but why is the Congress busy collecting assets when it has no strategy to use them. Kanhaiya’s move from the CPI to the Congress indicates that Bihar’s Leningrad is getting bored with just slogans and wants more. Of what, even Kanhaiya won’t know.
With the Congress woefully short on motormouth Hindi speakers ahead of the Uttar Pradesh elections and the larger 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Kanhaiya Kumar looks like a gain for the Congress which he joined in the presence of Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday. Gujarat Vadgam MLA Jignesh Mewani, who was with Kanhaiya, voiced his support for the Congress agenda though he did not formally join it citing Assembly rules since he is an independent MLA. Kanhaiya is a good speaker and a livewire who can keep people entertained and hold his own against hectoring by either the centrists or by the right. That too with elan and good humour to bat away attacks. There are many good YouTube videos as evidence, one just needs to do a cursory search.
Kanhaiya can do all this in Hindi, and English, without missing a beat or a wink or being caught in unsure pauses that several Congress speakers resort to, Rahul Gandhi included, and are often parodied by the media for their inability to speak the language and what-not. If Rahul Gandhi is a load and shoot rifle, Kanhaiya is the KK-47 and therein lies the rub because like all assault rifles, can the Congress suffer the heat a speaker like Kanhaiya can generate?
As well-documented, Kanhaiya was a Communist Party of India member and had been president of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union on the ticket of the CPI’s student wing. He had also contested the 2019 Lok Sabha election for the CPI from Begusarai, Bihar’s so-called Leningrad, and lost to Giriraj Singh of the BJP, the original go-to-Pakistan man.
आज इस देश को भगत सिंह की वीरता की जरूरत है, भगत सिंह के साहस की जरूरत है, अंबेडकर की समानता की जरूरत है, आज इस देश को गांधी जी की एकता की जरूरत है: श्री @kanhaiyakumarpic.twitter.com/PQyPdnjlhH
This is possibly where Kanhaiya realised that revolutionary slogans were fine to enthuse the youth, both rural and urban, and the poor, predominantly rural, but power was not for the taking so easily for the CPI (seen as a Bhumihar party) anymore. Unlike the CPI and its allies, the ultra-left CPIML Liberation won 5 seats in the Bihar elections. Possibly, the masses of Bihar didn’t trust their own boy, now a big Delhi man spouting slogans of aazadi for everyone, including Kashmiris.
This is what will weigh him down, and by extension, the Congress. The pre-spring 2016 sloganeering in JNU of aazadi is still the smallest thorn that can be used to prick the otherwise impregnable wall of rhetoric and common sense that Kanhaiya can raise in a debate. The BJP has had a measure of him in Bihar and he can be easily read by the party there. That’s the right-wing point against him.
The centrist remembers that Kanhaiya kept his distance when the dadis of Shaheen Bagh put out quilts and shamianas to protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act-NRC-NPR. Unlike his comrades from JNU who came and kept a low-profile, Kanhaiya has almost no profile when Shaheen Bagh stood out as an example of citizens holding the State to account for being crass and despotic, even when the media sided against them. Further, Umar Khalid still continues to be in prison under the draconian UAPA but Kanhaiya has largely kept quiet.
The silence on his part is emblematic of the way the Left has of coming apart like the Titanic after hitting the iceberg of caste and privilege. The original Communist Party, the CPI, formed in 1925, had lost its spunk post-1950 after it toed the Soviet Union line not to disturb the Congress. What else could it do as the global fountainhead of Communism was not keen on antagonizing Nehru and his daughter?
Unhappy with this line, the alleged hotheads formed the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) as the differences between the Soviets under Khrushchev and China under Mao Zedong, who had the same big ideas as the now-dead Stalin, divided the communist world. The Marxists, meaning the CPM, as the Communists (i.e. the CPI) would derisively call the newer and more vibrant party, would see another split, leading to the birth of the ultra-left Marxist Leninists.
The CPIML would turn away from parliamentary democracy and take up arms, beginning in Naxalbari in 1967. The State, under Indira Gandhi, cracked down hard and destroyed that violent left turn with far more violent suppression of human rights. Many of those killed in pursuit of spring thunder were young men and women high on the ideas of revolution and low on the realities of the rural hinterland, policing and the generous use of extra-legal force. For a cinematic depiction, check this trailer.
So why is the Congress party bent upon getting Kanhaiya to join it. When his mere presence can become a huge negative? The Congress is stumbling from one crisis to another; just when the Punjab front was healing, Navjot Singh Sidhu ripped open a new fracture by quitting as PPCC chief.
The answer possibly lies in the fact that Kanhaiya is a champion at raising the esprit de corps among the Congress grassroots, which needs tending and protecting from the harsh lure of money and influence that the other side offers.
As someone said on social media, the Congress POV on the Ram Mandir doesn’t leave it much to hope for in terms of regaining Muslim votes, but Kanhaiya’s avowed aazadi stance could help swing a few of them, not to speak of Dalit votes pan-India, for among the many things the aazadi slogan seeks liberation from is Manu-wad.
It is significant that both Kanhaiya and Jignesh Mevani are turning away from the CPI and the CPM, respectively. The waning of the Communist-Marxist parties across the Hindi heartland, with the RSS-led BMS snatching away even its trade union constituency, the sign of the times is dispiriting for the mainstream Left.
It would be amusing to see Kanhaiya Kumar and Congress leaders like P. Chidambaram share a table at a discussion. The hope that verbal flourish can give the Congress a fighting chance for more seats in the Lok Sabha is worth a gamble with avowed leftists, to overcome the charge of soft Hindutva.
The Congress, it has been said so many times, encompasses both the left and the right. But can the centre hold? Especially when dissent is eating it away from the inside.
Then, there’s always the Trinamool Congress for Kanhaiya
Late-March western disturbance brings 1,000-km rain band across India, Pakistan and Afghanistan
An unusual western disturbance has created a 1,000-km rain band, bringing widespread storms, rainfall and hail across parts of India and neighbouring countries.
An unusual weather system is currently impacting large parts of India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, bringing widespread thunderstorms, gusty winds, rainfall and even hailstorms at a time when summer conditions typically begin to set in.
The ongoing event is being driven by an active western disturbance that has formed a nearly straight, linear low-pressure trough stretching about 1,000 kilometres—from Afghanistan, across Pakistan, and into India. This formation is considered atypical, as most western disturbances usually follow a curved path.
Western disturbances are generally extratropical systems originating near the Mediterranean region and are more common during winter months, when they bring snowfall and cold weather to northern India. However, this system stands out both for its timing in late March and its distinct structure.
Widespread weather activity across regions
The system is associated with an upper-air cyclonic circulation over northern Pakistan, which is leading to widespread thunderstorms and winds ranging between 40 and 80 kmph across northwest India. Isolated hailstorms and light-to-moderate rainfall or snowfall have also been reported.
Heavy to very heavy rainfall has already occurred in sub-Himalayan West Bengal and Sikkim, while southern states including Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu have received significant showers. Hailstorm activity has also been observed in multiple regions.
Meteorological conditions indicate that the western disturbance includes a trough in the middle and upper atmospheric levels. This is interacting with several low-level cyclonic circulations over regions such as north Madhya Pradesh, east Uttar Pradesh, west Rajasthan, Haryana, northeast Assam, coastal Andhra Pradesh, and parts of Tamil Nadu and Kerala, intensifying weather activity.
System likely to weaken, another disturbance ahead
The current disturbance is expected to remain active over the Western Himalayas and adjoining plains through Friday, after which its intensity is likely to decrease.
However, forecasts suggest that another weaker western disturbance may approach the region around March 22, potentially bringing further weather changes.
Moisture sources behind the system
The primary moisture feeding this system originates from evaporation over multiple water bodies, including the Mediterranean Sea, Caspian Sea, Black Sea, and the Persian Gulf.
As the system moves eastward, it gathers additional moisture from the Arabian Sea. This moisture is further enhanced due to orographic lifting along the Himalayas. Simultaneously, existing troughs and cyclonic features over regions such as Gujarat and the Mannar area are contributing to increased low-level convergence, leading to intensified rainfall and storm activity.
Delhi-NCR sees cooler conditions and rainfall
In Delhi-NCR, light-to-moderate rainfall accompanied by thunderstorms and winds of 30–50 kmph is expected to continue until Friday. Daytime temperatures are likely to remain between 25 and 28 degrees Celsius, which is below the seasonal average.
Why late-March disturbances are uncommon
Climatologically, western disturbances are most frequent between December and February, with India typically experiencing four to six such systems per month during winter.
By late March, their frequency usually declines sharply as the jet stream weakens and shifts northward. Historically, only one or two such systems occur during this period each year.
However, recent trends suggest a gradual extension of the western disturbance season into April. Experts attribute this to changes in atmospheric patterns, including stronger subtropical jet streams and broader climate variability.
Mamata Banerjee slams poll body over officials’ transfer, calls move unprecedented
Mamata Banerjee has criticised the Election Commission for transferring senior officials ahead of West Bengal elections, alleging bias and procedural overreach.
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has sharply criticised the Election Commission of India over the transfer of senior state officials ahead of the assembly elections, alleging bias and procedural overreach.
In a strongly worded letter to Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, Banerjee expressed “deep shock” at the poll panel’s functioning, stating that it had “crossed all boundaries of decency and constitutional propriety.”
Concerns over transfers and alleged bias
The chief minister objected to what she described as “unilateral” transfers of key officials, including the chief secretary, home secretary, director general of police, and several district-level officers. According to her, these decisions were taken without citing any violations of electoral rules or the Model Code of Conduct.
Banerjee further alleged that the Commission had shown “apparent bias” since the beginning of the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, claiming that repeated concerns raised by the state government had been ignored.
She also questioned the timing of the transfers, noting that district election officers were shifted during an ongoing revision process, which she suggested could affect administrative continuity and pending cases.
Supreme Court reference and governance concerns
Referring to her government’s move to approach the Supreme Court of India, Banerjee said the court had acknowledged the concerns and issued directions that are currently being implemented.
The chief minister warned that the removal of senior officials at short notice could disrupt governance, law and order, and disaster preparedness, particularly during the storm-prone months of March and April.
She also criticised the deployment of state police officers as observers in other poll-bound regions, calling it “arbitrary” and a “misuse of authority.”
Warning on federal structure and democracy
Describing the decisions as “biased, hasty and unilateral,” Banerjee said such actions undermine cooperative federalism and could create conditions resembling “indirect central rule.”
She urged the Commission to reconsider its decisions, warning that such steps are “deeply concerning” for a healthy democratic process.
Elections to the 294-member West Bengal assembly are scheduled to be held in two phases on April 23 and April 29, with counting set for May 4.
AIADMK-BJP seat-sharing talks to be finalised soon, says Edappadi K Palaniswami after Amit Shah meet
AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami says seat-sharing talks with BJP are in final stages and will conclude within days ahead of Tamil Nadu 2026 elections.
Signalling momentum ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Edappadi K Palaniswami on Friday said seat-sharing talks with the Bharatiya Janata Party would be finalised within four days following his meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi.
Palaniswami, who serves as the general secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, expressed confidence that negotiations would be concluded smoothly based on a “give-and-take” formula focused on winnability. He also took a swipe at the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, suggesting delays in its own alliance discussions.
Union Minister Piyush Goyal is expected to visit Chennai soon, further accelerating alliance-building efforts. The AIADMK is also preparing to release its election manifesto within a week.
Likely seat-sharing formula emerges
While Palaniswami did not reveal specific numbers, sources indicate the AIADMK is aiming to contest around 165 seats. The remaining seats could be distributed among allies, including the BJP, Pattali Makkal Katchi, Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam led by T T V Dhinakaran, and the Tamil Maanila Congress.
In the 2021 Assembly elections, the BJP and PMK had contested 20 and 23 seats respectively, securing four and five wins. The revised formula suggests a recalibration of alliance strengths ahead of the high-stakes 2026 polls.
‘Delhi visits necessary for coordination’
Responding to criticism over his frequent visits to the national capital, Palaniswami defended his outreach to BJP leadership. He said such meetings were necessary given the busy schedules of senior leaders like Amit Shah, who are handling elections across multiple states.
“I have come to meet Amit Shah twice, as he is busy with elections in five states,” he said, underlining the need for coordination at the national level.
No alliance with Vijay’s TVK
Dismissing speculation about new alliances, Palaniswami ruled out any talks with actor-turned-politician Vijay and his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam.
“Neither we nor TVK held talks,” he stated, indicating that the electoral contest would largely remain between the AIADMK-led and DMK-led fronts.
Criticism of DMK and internal damage control
Targeting the DMK government, Palaniswami alleged a deterioration in law and order, pointing to rising crimes against women and corruption. He also accused the government of failing to implement key welfare schemes.
At the same time, he sought to contain recent controversies involving AIADMK leaders, stating that former ministers who made objectionable remarks had acknowledged their mistakes and apologised.
High stakes for AIADMK and Palaniswami
The 2026 Assembly election is being seen as a crucial test for both the AIADMK and Palaniswami. Since the death of former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, the party has faced a series of electoral setbacks, including the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections and the 2021 Assembly polls.
The AIADMK had previously allied with the BJP in 2019 and 2021, a partnership often viewed as challenging in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, both parties contested separately but failed to secure victories.
For Palaniswami, the upcoming election represents a critical opportunity to establish his leadership and revive the party’s political standing.
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