Kanhaiya Kumar can get the Congress some traction but what next?
Kanhaiya Kumar, former JNUSU president, can be an asset but why is the Congress busy collecting assets when it has no strategy to use them. Kanhaiya’s move from the CPI to the Congress indicates that Bihar’s Leningrad is getting bored with just slogans and wants more. Of what, even Kanhaiya won’t know.
With the Congress woefully short on motormouth Hindi speakers ahead of the Uttar Pradesh elections and the larger 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Kanhaiya Kumar looks like a gain for the Congress which he joined in the presence of Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday. Gujarat Vadgam MLA Jignesh Mewani, who was with Kanhaiya, voiced his support for the Congress agenda though he did not formally join it citing Assembly rules since he is an independent MLA. Kanhaiya is a good speaker and a livewire who can keep people entertained and hold his own against hectoring by either the centrists or by the right. That too with elan and good humour to bat away attacks. There are many good YouTube videos as evidence, one just needs to do a cursory search.
Kanhaiya can do all this in Hindi, and English, without missing a beat or a wink or being caught in unsure pauses that several Congress speakers resort to, Rahul Gandhi included, and are often parodied by the media for their inability to speak the language and what-not. If Rahul Gandhi is a load and shoot rifle, Kanhaiya is the KK-47 and therein lies the rub because like all assault rifles, can the Congress suffer the heat a speaker like Kanhaiya can generate?
As well-documented, Kanhaiya was a Communist Party of India member and had been president of the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union on the ticket of the CPI’s student wing. He had also contested the 2019 Lok Sabha election for the CPI from Begusarai, Bihar’s so-called Leningrad, and lost to Giriraj Singh of the BJP, the original go-to-Pakistan man.
आज इस देश को भगत सिंह की वीरता की जरूरत है, भगत सिंह के साहस की जरूरत है, अंबेडकर की समानता की जरूरत है, आज इस देश को गांधी जी की एकता की जरूरत है: श्री @kanhaiyakumarpic.twitter.com/PQyPdnjlhH
This is possibly where Kanhaiya realised that revolutionary slogans were fine to enthuse the youth, both rural and urban, and the poor, predominantly rural, but power was not for the taking so easily for the CPI (seen as a Bhumihar party) anymore. Unlike the CPI and its allies, the ultra-left CPIML Liberation won 5 seats in the Bihar elections. Possibly, the masses of Bihar didn’t trust their own boy, now a big Delhi man spouting slogans of aazadi for everyone, including Kashmiris.
This is what will weigh him down, and by extension, the Congress. The pre-spring 2016 sloganeering in JNU of aazadi is still the smallest thorn that can be used to prick the otherwise impregnable wall of rhetoric and common sense that Kanhaiya can raise in a debate. The BJP has had a measure of him in Bihar and he can be easily read by the party there. That’s the right-wing point against him.
The centrist remembers that Kanhaiya kept his distance when the dadis of Shaheen Bagh put out quilts and shamianas to protest against the Citizenship Amendment Act-NRC-NPR. Unlike his comrades from JNU who came and kept a low-profile, Kanhaiya has almost no profile when Shaheen Bagh stood out as an example of citizens holding the State to account for being crass and despotic, even when the media sided against them. Further, Umar Khalid still continues to be in prison under the draconian UAPA but Kanhaiya has largely kept quiet.
The silence on his part is emblematic of the way the Left has of coming apart like the Titanic after hitting the iceberg of caste and privilege. The original Communist Party, the CPI, formed in 1925, had lost its spunk post-1950 after it toed the Soviet Union line not to disturb the Congress. What else could it do as the global fountainhead of Communism was not keen on antagonizing Nehru and his daughter?
Unhappy with this line, the alleged hotheads formed the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPM) as the differences between the Soviets under Khrushchev and China under Mao Zedong, who had the same big ideas as the now-dead Stalin, divided the communist world. The Marxists, meaning the CPM, as the Communists (i.e. the CPI) would derisively call the newer and more vibrant party, would see another split, leading to the birth of the ultra-left Marxist Leninists.
The CPIML would turn away from parliamentary democracy and take up arms, beginning in Naxalbari in 1967. The State, under Indira Gandhi, cracked down hard and destroyed that violent left turn with far more violent suppression of human rights. Many of those killed in pursuit of spring thunder were young men and women high on the ideas of revolution and low on the realities of the rural hinterland, policing and the generous use of extra-legal force. For a cinematic depiction, check this trailer.
So why is the Congress party bent upon getting Kanhaiya to join it. When his mere presence can become a huge negative? The Congress is stumbling from one crisis to another; just when the Punjab front was healing, Navjot Singh Sidhu ripped open a new fracture by quitting as PPCC chief.
The answer possibly lies in the fact that Kanhaiya is a champion at raising the esprit de corps among the Congress grassroots, which needs tending and protecting from the harsh lure of money and influence that the other side offers.
As someone said on social media, the Congress POV on the Ram Mandir doesn’t leave it much to hope for in terms of regaining Muslim votes, but Kanhaiya’s avowed aazadi stance could help swing a few of them, not to speak of Dalit votes pan-India, for among the many things the aazadi slogan seeks liberation from is Manu-wad.
It is significant that both Kanhaiya and Jignesh Mevani are turning away from the CPI and the CPM, respectively. The waning of the Communist-Marxist parties across the Hindi heartland, with the RSS-led BMS snatching away even its trade union constituency, the sign of the times is dispiriting for the mainstream Left.
It would be amusing to see Kanhaiya Kumar and Congress leaders like P. Chidambaram share a table at a discussion. The hope that verbal flourish can give the Congress a fighting chance for more seats in the Lok Sabha is worth a gamble with avowed leftists, to overcome the charge of soft Hindutva.
The Congress, it has been said so many times, encompasses both the left and the right. But can the centre hold? Especially when dissent is eating it away from the inside.
Then, there’s always the Trinamool Congress for Kanhaiya
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will begin its large-scale ‘Parivartan Yatra’ in poll-bound West Bengal from Sunday, marking a major political outreach drive ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections.
The party said the campaign is designed to mobilise support across the state and counter what it alleges has been more than a decade of “corrupt, undemocratic, and anti-people governance” under the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC).
Statewide mobilisation across nine divisions
According to party leaders, the Yatra will be conducted simultaneously in all nine organisational divisions of West Bengal. The outreach programme is expected to cover nearly 5,000 kilometres, passing through 38 organisational districts and more than 230 Assembly constituencies.
The BJP estimates the initiative will generate over one crore direct public touchpoints, focusing heavily on face-to-face interactions and grassroots engagement. As part of the campaign plan, the party has scheduled 63 large rallies and 281 welcome meetings at key entry points of Assembly constituencies.
With the slogan “Paltano Dorkar, Chai BJP Sorkar”, the party has framed the Yatra as both an electoral campaign and a broader political movement aimed at strengthening its organisational presence across the state.
Focus on governance, law and order, and corruption
The party’s messaging during the Yatra will centre on governance, accountability, and systemic reforms. BJP leaders plan to raise concerns related to women’s safety, alleged corruption in the education sector, including teacher recruitment issues, and what they describe as threats to national security.
Party sources indicated that demographic changes, illegal infiltration, and the presence of extremist elements in border districts will also be key themes during the campaign.
In rural areas, the outreach will emphasise agricultural infrastructure, implementation of centrally sponsored schemes, and removal of intermediaries. In urban regions, the narrative will focus on industrial development, youth employment, and improvements in urban transport systems.
Senior leaders to participate
More than 100 senior leaders from the central and state units are expected to be involved in the Yatra. The inaugural phase, scheduled for Sunday and Monday, will feature five launch events on the first day and four on the second.
Senior BJP leaders including Amit Shah, JP Nadda, Rajnath Singh, Dharmendra Pradhan, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, and Nitin Nabin are expected to attend various programmes during the campaign.
After a short break for Holi, the Yatra will resume from March 5 to March 10, with each unit operating for approximately nine hours daily. The campaign is set to culminate in a major public meeting at Kolkata’s Brigade Ground, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to address supporters.
The BJP is positioning the Parivartan Yatra as a significant step in reshaping the political landscape of West Bengal as the state moves closer to the Assembly elections.
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has indicated that the alliance between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) is expected to be finalised by March 10 ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections.
The AGP, a long-time ally of the BJP in Assam, is also a founding member of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Discussions between the partners are progressing, with indications that the formal announcement could come within days.
Sources said there could be “friendly fights” between the BJP and AGP in a few constituencies. Such arrangements may be considered to accommodate local-level aspirations and party workers from both sides.
The BJP is also likely to conclude seat-sharing discussions with the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) by March 10. In the previous Assembly election, the BPF had aligned with the Indian National Congress (Congress), but it has now returned to the NDA fold.
However, seat-sharing talks between the BJP and its other Bodoland-region partner, the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL), are reportedly facing hurdles. Earlier, Mr Sarma had stated that the UPPL would not join hands with the Congress.
On the opposition side, the Congress is dealing with its own alliance challenges. Negotiations with Akhil Gogoi-led Raijor Dal are underway, but sources suggested that discussions have not been progressing smoothly.
Congress sources said seat-sharing arrangements with the Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) and Left parties are almost finalised. An official announcement is awaited from the party’s high command.
As political negotiations intensify, both the ruling NDA and the opposition camp are working to conclude alliances and seat-sharing deals in the run-up to the state polls.
Nationalist Congress Party (SP) MLA Rohit Pawar on Thursday alleged that a “big personality” was connected to the company linked to the plane crash that killed his uncle, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, and others in Baramati last month.
Addressing reporters after holding a protest, Rohit Pawar demanded the resignation of Union Civil Aviation Minister K. Rammohan Naidu. He alleged that the minister’s party had financial links to the company involved in the crash and said he should step down from his post.
“The owner of VSR company is close to very powerful leaders. Many people in Maharashtra are connected to this. There is a clear attempt to protect VSR because some ‘big personality’ is involved in this,” Rohit Pawar said.
Demand for wider probe
The fatal aircraft accident occurred in Baramati on January 28. Following the incident, the investigation into the accidental deaths of Ajit Pawar and others was transferred to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of the Pune Police, considering the gravity of the case.
Rohit Pawar questioned the progress of the probe and said the public must be informed about the steps taken so far. He pointed out that the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) examines technical aspects of an aviation mishap, but not possible criminal angles.
Additional Director General of Police Sunil Ramanand said the CID investigation is exploring multiple aspects, including whether there was any foul play or sabotage behind the accident, whether criminal negligence played a role, and whether there was any larger conspiracy. He added that the AAIB report would be incorporated into the CID’s findings once received.
Family voices concerns
Referring to concerns raised by family members, Rohit Pawar said that Jay Pawar, Ajit Pawar’s son, had expressed doubts on social media regarding the aircraft’s black box. Sunetra Pawar, Ajit Pawar’s wife, has sought a probe by the Central Bureau of Investigation.
Speaking emotionally about his relationship with his uncle, Rohit Pawar said Ajit Pawar had guided him politically and personally. He added that Ajit Pawar had wished to reunite with Sharad Pawar and had recently spoken to him.
The CID continues its investigation, while awaiting the technical report from the AAIB.
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