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Meeting Deng Xiaoping on Rajiv Gandhi’s history-making visit to China

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L-R: Deng-xiaoping, Mao, Xi

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Mao, Deng and now Xi Jinping. Three of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history. It was Deng Xiaoping who paved the way for Xi to become as dominant a force as he himself was. Dilip Bobb recounts a memorable meeting with Deng in Beijing.

The just-concluded Congress of the Communist Party of China has cemented President Xi Jinping’s place in history as the most powerful leader of the country since Deng Xiaoping.  It signposts the end of the Deng Xiaoping era and the beginning of the New Era led by Xi. For veterans like me who were privileged to have an audience with Deng, it brings back memories of the iconic status he enjoyed and the roadmap he laid out which has led to China – and Xi – being where they are at this inflection point in history.

I met the legendary revolutionary on a freezing January morning in 1989 as part of the media delegation accompanying then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on his history-making visit to China. Being bundled up in layers of wool and thermal, heavy boots and woolen caps covering most of the face, left very little scope for individuality. Luckily, the meeting between Deng and Rajiv followed by a brief reception-line encounter with us lowly scribes was held in the Great Hall of the People, the massive building at one end of Tiananmen Square in Beijing, which had central heating. Chinese officials had briefed us on protocol, distance to be maintained (no handshakes, just a bow or a namaste) and other restrictions to do with his advanced age –he was 84. The briefing and the reverence in their voices when mentioning the ‘Paramount Leader’ made it seem like we were being given an audience with God. In communist, hence atheist, China, Deng was as close to God as anyone could get. His advanced age meant he still had the authority but had become more of a father figure with little official responsibility in the day-to-day affairs of the country.

Still, the veneration and respect with which he was regarded in China had added considerable hype and expectation to the first handshake between an Indian prime minister and the unquestioned leader of China on a bilateral visit. Nehru and Mao had a finger-wagging meeting, but at the Bandung conference in 1954. Since 1961, relations between India and China had been even more frigid than that January morning in Beijing. The Rajiv-Deng meeting represented the potential for a historic breakthrough, or, at the very least, a breach in the Great Wall. There was a discernible sense of history in the making when the two delegations gathered at opposite ends of the ornate and cavernous Great Hall. Rajiv and his official delegation had entered and waited for the Paramount Leader. We, the media clutch, were herded into a corner but with a clear view of the proceedings. Then Deng emerged, disappointingly frail and wizened, but the air of authority around him was unmistakable. The two leaders walked slowly towards each other, Rajiv on his own, while Deng had two aides on either side.    

If Rajiv deserves credit for taking the gamble of flying blind to Beijing, it was the all-powerful Deng who orchestrated the turning point during his emotion-charged meeting with Rajiv, a man half his age. The tension in the air was almost touchable as the two leaders converged. Deng, the famous pudding face animated by a twinkle in the eyes, shuffled forward, then stopped, realising Rajiv was still some distance away. The make-or-break enormity of the occasion was reflected in Rajiv’s body language as he moved hesitantly forward, exuding a certain nervousness. Throughout the three-minute-long handshake, he remained unsure and overawed, answering in monosyllables as Deng rambled into reminiscence. In China, however, symbols and semantics are infinitely more important than official declarations. Deng’s opening remarks welcoming his “young friend” and suggesting they “forget the past” was an overt indication that he was literally holding out a hand of friendship. And the next few minutes of their meeting was broadcast through loudspeakers, not so much for the benefit of the world media as for China’s one billion people.

The fact that he spent 90 minutes with Rajiv discussing the changing international scenario and his vision of the balance of power was another signal. A semi-recluse, Deng rarely spends over 30 minutes with visiting leaders. Thus, without actually saying so, Deng was giving his blessings to a burial of the past and the start of another Long March towards normalisation of Sino-Indian relations. After that meet, my brief encounter with Deng was an anti-climax. We shuffled forward in a line, each person pausing for a few seconds to greet the man we had only read about in history books. He would look you in the eye, nod slightly as you were introduced, and then you made way for the next in line. His hands were frail and trembled slightly so the no-handshake rule was logical. Yet, walking away, one could not shrug off the feeling of having just been part of history, even if it was a bit part. Looking back, it is clearer to see the roadmap that Deng left for his successor (Xi was then a regional party chief in Fujian). Deng would die in 1997 but by the time we met him, he had already laid out the essential action plan for China which had just come through the disastrous Cultural Revolution. Called the 24 character strategy, the plan enjoined the Chinese to “observe calmly, secure our position, cope with affairs calmly, hide our capacities, bide our time, be good at maintaining a low profile, never claim leadership.” In other words, China should focus on transforming its economy and keep a low profile in international politics. Towards this end, he advocated the Four Modernisations – of agriculture, industry, science and technology and defence. China adhered to these guidelines with spectacular results and catapulted the opportunistic Xi Jinping to a position where he is now part of the Great Triumvirate of China. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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S Jaishankar says India is a natural option for Russia amid Europe tensions

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said India remained a natural option for Russia as Moscow increasingly turned towards Asia amid strained relations with Europe. He highlighted the continuity of India-Russia ties and their significance for the balance of power in Asia.

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External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has described India as a natural option for Russia as Moscow increasingly looks towards Asia amid deteriorating relations with Europe. He said India’s longstanding relationship with Russia had remained steady despite significant changes in the international strategic landscape.

Jaishankar made the remarks during a conversation with John Micklethwait, editor-in-chief of the Bloomberg New Economy Forum. He discussed how the Russia-Ukraine war had affected Moscow’s relationship with Europe and contributed to Russia’s growing focus on Asia.

Jaishankar highlights Russia’s shift towards Asia

Jaishankar said Russia’s relationship with Europe had become deeply strained following the Ukraine war. He noted that Russia had historically viewed itself as a European country and placed considerable importance on its relations with Europe and the United States.

However, the conflict had pushed Moscow to look increasingly towards Asia,with much of that shift directed towards China.

The minister said it was in India’s interest, as well as the wider world’s interest, for Russia to maintain multiple relationships in Asia rather than having its options concentrated in one direction.

Against this backdrop, he described India as a natural partner for Russia, pointing to the longstanding nature of the relationship between the two countries.

India-Russia ties remain steady despite global changes

Jaishankar said India and Russia had maintained a consistent relationship over several decades. He emphasised that New Delhi continued to engage with Moscow even as the global order and Russia’s strategic calculations evolved.

According to the minister, India was reassuring Russia that the relationship built over nearly eight decades remained steady despite the changes in Moscow’s relations with Europe and the wider West.

He stressed that India was not passing a value judgment on those changes but was continuing its bilateral engagement with Russia.

Jaishankar said the relationship had benefited both countries and contributed to the balance of power and the broader status quo in Asia. 

Why the relationship matters for Asia

Jaishankar’s remarks highlighted India’s position in Russia’s changing regional outlook. As Moscow increasingly turns towards Asia, India continues to maintain its longstanding ties with Russia while navigating a changing international environment.

The minister’s comments underscored the importance he placed on preserving India-Russia ties and ensuring that Russia maintained multiple relationships in Asia. 

His assessment came against the backdrop of strained Russia-Europe relations following the war in Ukraine, which has reshaped Moscow’s engagement with Western countries and increased its focus on Asian partners.

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Putin praises PM Modi, says he has very good ideas on Ukraine war

Russian President Vladimir Putin has praised Prime Minister Narendra Modi for repeatedly raising the need to end the Ukraine war, describing his ideas for a settlement as “very good”.

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Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin has praised Prime Minister Narendra Modi for his continued efforts to promote an end to the Russia-Ukraine war, saying the Indian leader has “very good ideas” aimed at finding a mutually acceptable solution.

Putin made the remarks while addressing the Valdai Forum of international Russia experts, where he spoke about Modi’s repeated efforts to raise the issue of ending the conflict.

What Putin said about PM Modi

Putin said Modi has continued to raise the question of ending the conflict despite the close and friendly relationship between India and Russia.

According to Putin, the Prime Minister has shown a strong interest in finding a solution and has ideas that could help identify mutually acceptable ways to resolve the conflict.

Putin also described India’s position as neutral while highlighting Modi’s interest in bringing the conflict to an end through peaceful means.

The Russian president expressed gratitude to Modi for his ideas and his desire to see the conflict end as soon as possible.

Modi’s position on the Ukraine war

PM Modi has repeatedly called for dialogue and diplomacy to resolve conflicts, including during his meetings with Putin.

During their September 11 meeting in New Delhi, Modi reiterated that dialogue and diplomacy are the way forward for resolving conflicts.

Modi had also told Putin during their meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Bishkek that the situation needed to move from “endless war” towards an end to the war.

India has consistently maintained that conflicts should be addressed through dialogue and peaceful means, with Modi previously describing the present period as not being an era of war.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict began in February 2022 and has continued despite repeated diplomatic efforts to seek a resolution.

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S Jaishankar calls Pakistan a “serial practitioner of terrorism” at UN

S Jaishankar criticised Pakistan at the UN General Assembly, referring to a “serial practitioner of terrorism” and warning against attempts to normalise terrorism.

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S Jayshankar

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar criticised Pakistan during his address to the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, saying that a “serial practitioner of terrorism” had misrepresented facts and that arguments were being made to normalise terrorism. 

Jaishankar’s remarks came a day after Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif addressed the UN General Assembly and spoke about the 2025 military confrontation between India and Pakistan.

Jaishankar’s message to Pakistan

Referring to Pakistan without naming it directly in that remark, Jaishankar said a “serial practitioner of terrorism” had misrepresented facts before the UN General Assembly.

He said arguments were being made to normalise terrorism and claim immunity from its consequences, adding that such an approach would not stand. 

Jaishankar reiterated India’s position that the country would exercise its right to defend itself against terrorism.

He also said that friendship and goodwill could not coexist with terrorism and that understandings based on such circumstances would naturally be called into question. 

“It is for the perpetrator of terrorism to mend its ways,” Jaishankar said.

India stresses zero tolerance on terrorism

Jaishankar described terrorism as a persistent threat to peace and called for governments involved in cross-border terrorism to be held accountable.

He also stressed that there should be no dilution in India’s zero-tolerance approach towards terrorism and particularly called for greater attention to its financial aspects.

His remarks came a day after Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif referred to the 2025 India-Pakistan military confrontation during his UN General Assembly address. 

Jaishankar backs two-state solution for Palestine

During his UN address, Jaishankar also spoke about the situation in West Asia and said India was prepared to contribute to efforts addressing food and energy security amid continuing tensions and violence.

On the Palestine issue, he reiterated India’s longstanding support for a two-state solution.

Jaishankar said India was also contributing humanitarian assistance and relief efforts for the Palestinian people.

He also warned about continuing threats and pressures around the world and stressed the need for greater stability, security and predictability.

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