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Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947

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Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]By: Saeed Naqvi

How indistinguishable the Congress ideologically is from the BJP was the theme of the main edit page article written by French scholars Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers in the Indian Express on October 5.

The editor grasped the heart of the matter and gave it an apt headline: Congress and the BJP, “Tweedledum and Tweedledee”. The Jaffrelot-Verniers duet have, for their laboratory, focused on Gujarat – on how principal leaders have swung from one side to the other, repeatedly, like trapeze artistes in a circus.

I suspect this is the beginning of a wider research because the Tweedledum-Tweedledee image is applicable to all regions wherever there is some Congress presence. In most places it looks like the BJP’s B team, and has conceded spaces to it for that very reason.

In recent decades there have been two distinct postures the Congress has struck towards the BJP. In Madhya Pradesh, under the leadership of Arjun Singh and Digvijay Singh, the party has taken the BJP head on. There was no other force to combat.

In Kerala, particularly under K. Karunakaran’s chief ministership, the party turned to the Sangh Parivar, whenever help was required for electoral battle with the Left Front. In fact Karunakaran was a master at ambidextrous politics. On one occasion in Kozhikode he maneuvered the Congress, BJP and Muslim League on the same side to defeat CPM’s T.K. Hamza.

Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947 - 1What has been the result of the Congress grappling with Hindutva in Bhopal or flirting with it in Thiruvanthapauram?

State and district level Muslim congress leaders I met last week in Indore, Dhar and Mandu painted a dismal picture of their circumstance. Their party’s high command in New Delhi or Bhopal took them for granted. “TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor applies to us” Mohammad Kamran, youth Congress leader lamented. When a Muslim majority village was gutted, no “senior” (for which read “Hindu”) congress leader turned up to inquire.

Circumstances in Rajasthan are similar. When 10 Muslims were shot dead by policemen in Gopalgarh in 2011, an hour’s drive from Delhi, neither Rahul Gandhi nor Home Minister, P. Chidambaram considered it worth their while to visit despite several delegations imploring them to do so. This was the first instance in the country of police firing inside a mosque.

In Kerala, the frequent Congress dependence on sectarian groups has had the effect of slowly opening the door just enough for Hindutva forces to make a bid for replacing the Congress. That this process has been slow is attributable to the state’s distinct and enlightened social structure.

This did not deter Karunakaran from his efforts to “Brahminize” Rajiv Gandhi who, in his perception, would not graduate from the ranks of the “Baba log” without persistent “ang pradarshan” or ritual prayers at the Krishna temple in Guruvayur. Whether Rajiv transited to becoming a Brahmin or even a Hindu is less than clear. What is certain is that he developed a taste for Guruvayur’s famous rice and milk pudding, payasam, large quantities of which were made available for his extended family’s New Year celebrations at Lakshadweep islands.

Rajiv Gandhi’s unprecedented victory in the December 1984 elections (404 seats in House of 514) was interpreted as Hindu consolidation in response to minority communalism which had resulted in Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Even the party, treasurer, Sitaram Kesari, non communal to his finger tips, interpreted the mandate in majoritarian terms.

In 1986, V.N. Gadgil, among the more enlightened General Secretaries of the Congress, told me in great confidence: “the feeling is widespread among Hindus, that Muslims were being appeased.”

This thinking guided subsequent Congress actions, making it just as indistinguishable from the BJP as Jeffrelot and Verniers found it in Gujarat. How “appeased” the Muslims were became clear in the Sachar Committee report on their social-economic conditions during sixty years of Congress rule. They had, in their social status, tumbled below the lowest Dalits.

Ranganath Misra Commission’s recommendations to help Muslims out of the plight described by Sachar Committee, was placed on the shelf where it gathers dust to this day.

Srikrishna Commission which named politicians directly involved in Mumbai riots of 1992-93 in which 900 people (majority of them Muslims) were killed and their shops and houses gutted, has remained secret.

It would require amnesia of a very high order to heap all the credit for the brazen saffronization at Naendra Modi’s door. It would require magic or miracle to have advanced the Hindutva cause with such rapidity in three years. Frankly, the ground has been prepared over the past 70 years.

We must not forget, the Hindu Mahasabha, RSS, Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad and elements in the Congress were quite “indistinguishable” one from the other all along.

The founder of the Hindu Mahasabha, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was a four time President of the Congress. His vision of India would not have been very different from that of the Banaras Hindu University which he founded.

Rajeshwar Dayal, the first Home Secretary of UP, in his memoirs, A Life of Our Times, mentions an astonishing story about Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, UP’s first Chief Minister and RSS supremo Guru Golwalkar. The RSS chief was found with a trunk load of incriminating evidence of extensive plans for communal violence in Western UP. The Chief Minister however enabled him to escape.

It all leads to the inescapable conclusion, argued in my book “Being The Other: The Muslim in India”. Having accepted Mountbatten’s June 3, 1947, plan for the Partition of India, Congress de facto accepted the Two-Nation theory while publicly arguing against it. Dissembling was essential to keep Kashmir. On August 15, 1947, India seamlessly glided from British Raj to Hindu Raj. It could have been named Hindustan (just as the other country was called Pakistan). With Hindu at the helm a more honest bargain on sharing power would have been possible. The painful process of a second distillation for a Hindu Rashtra could have been avoided.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Thackeray cousins reunite for Mumbai civic polls, announce Shiv Sena UBT–MNS alliance

Uddhav and Raj Thackeray have reunited after two decades, announcing a Shiv Sena–MNS alliance for the upcoming BMC elections with a focus on Marathi identity.

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The long political estrangement between Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray has ended, with the cousins formally announcing an alliance for the upcoming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections. The joint decision marks a significant shift in Mumbai’s civic politics, placing Marathi identity at the centre of the campaign.

At a joint press conference, Raj Thackeray declared that the Shiv Sena and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) would contest the local body elections together. He asserted that Mumbai would get a Marathi mayor, adding that the mayor would come from the Shiv Sena–MNS alliance. Uddhav Thackeray, seated alongside him, echoed the confidence, stating that Mumbai would remain with them “come what may”.

Focus on unity and Marathi identity

Uddhav Thackeray underlined the importance of unity, invoking the slogan “batenge toh katenge” to warn against division. Raj Thackeray said the alliance would work to ensure that Marathi people get what they want, reinforcing the emphasis on regional identity that once defined the politics shaped by Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray.

The cousins, who have come together after nearly two decades, also appealed to leaders and workers unhappy with the Shiv Sena faction aligned with the BJP to join their front. The message was aimed at consolidating forces opposed to the ruling coalition in the state.

Seat-sharing and poll preparations

Elections to the BMC are due within a month, with voting scheduled for January 15. Political parties have already begun preparations for a high-intensity campaign to gain control of the country’s richest municipal body.

Uddhav Thackeray said that seat-sharing arrangements for Mumbai, Nashik and other municipal bodies have been finalised, though details were not disclosed. Sources indicated that the Shiv Sena faction led by Uddhav Thackeray could contest around 145–150 seats, while the MNS may field candidates in 65–70 seats. The remaining seats are expected to be contested by allies, including a faction of the NCP.

Strategic reunion against rivals

The alliance shifts the political narrative from disputes over the “real Sena” to a united front led by the Thackeray family, signalling continuity with Bal Thackeray’s legacy. Party leaders described the reunion as a moment of significance for Marathi voters and Maharashtra.

The combination brings together Uddhav Thackeray’s support among traditional Sena loyalists and Raj Thackeray’s appeal among younger voters, positioning the alliance as a key challenger in the civic polls. Raj Thackeray’s return to the fold is also expected to consolidate the Marathi vote bank that had earlier moved towards the MNS, impacting rival formations in Mumbai.

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Nitin Gadkari flags Delhi air pollution, says two-day stay causes infection

Union minister Nitin Gadkari says spending two days in Delhi leads to infection, flags fossil fuel use as a major cause of pollution and calls for alternative energy solutions.

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Union Minister Nitin Gadkari

Delhi’s worsening air quality has drawn sharp criticism from within the ruling BJP, with Union minister Nitin Gadkari saying that even a brief stay in the national capital affects his health.

Speaking at a public event in Delhi, Gadkari remarked that spending just two days in the city results in an infection, raising questions over why the capital continues to struggle with severe pollution levels. His comments come at a time when the Air Quality Index has remained in the ‘very poor’ and ‘severe’ categories for weeks.

The Union minister, who handles the road transport and highways portfolio, acknowledged that the transport sector plays a major role in pollution. He said around 40 per cent of pollution is linked to fossil fuel usage and pointed out that India spends nearly Rs 22 lakh crore on importing fossil fuels, which also contributes to environmental damage.

Gadkari pushes for alternative fuels and exports

Gadkari stressed that promoting alternative fuel and biofuel technologies should be seen as a form of true nationalism. He argued that reducing imports and increasing exports would strengthen the country economically while also addressing pollution. According to him, resistance to eco-friendly technologies remains a major hurdle despite their long-term benefits.

Remarks on communal issues and secularism

During the same address, Gadkari said it was incorrect to label every Muslim as a terrorist, emphasising that there are varying degrees of extremism. He cited former President A P J Abdul Kalam as a national icon and underlined the importance of education, especially among marginalised sections.

He further claimed that Hindu-Muslim tensions in the country are a result of vote bank politics pursued by the Congress. Defining secularism as “justice for all”, Gadkari said policies driven by electoral considerations had created divisions. He asserted that Indian culture is neither communal nor casteist and described Hindutva as tolerant and inclusive.

Reiterating views earlier expressed by former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Gadkari said India was, is, and will remain a secular country, rooted in its cultural traditions that advocate welfare for all.

Political reactions over pollution issue

The BJP-led governments at the Centre and in Delhi have faced criticism over their handling of air pollution. Congress leader Imran Masood responded to Gadkari’s remarks by saying that the minister had at least acknowledged the seriousness of the problem. He added that pollution cannot be attributed only to vehicles, noting that similar vehicles operate outside Delhi as well.

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Over 24 lakh voters dropped from Kerala draft electoral roll after special revision

The Election Commission has removed over 24 lakh names from Kerala’s draft voter lists after verification during the Special Intensive Revision process.

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Over 24.08 lakh electors have been removed from the draft voter lists in Kerala following the completion of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, with the Election Commission publishing the updated draft electoral roll on Tuesday.

As per official data, Kerala has a total of 2,78,50,855 registered electors. Of these, 2,54,42,352 electors submitted their Enumeration Forms during the revision process, which concluded on December 18.

The poll body said the deletions were carried out after verification and were linked to multiple factors, including electors shifting to other states or Union Territories, voters found to be non-existent, individuals who did not submit enumeration forms within the stipulated time, and those who chose not to continue their registration.

Break-up of deleted names

According to the Election Commission, the deleted entries include 6,49,885 names of deceased voters, accounting for 2.33 per cent of the electorate. Another 14,61,769 voters, or 5.25 per cent, were removed after being found shifted or absent, while 1,36,029 voters, around 0.49 per cent, were deleted for being enrolled at multiple locations.

Claims and objections window open

Although the enumeration phase has ended, eligible citizens can still seek corrections. The Commission has opened a claims and objections period from December 23 to January 22, 2026, allowing applications for inclusion of eligible voters or removal of ineligible names from the rolls.

The final electoral roll for Kerala is scheduled to be published on February 21, 2026.

Awareness drives and field-level efforts

The Election Commission said extensive awareness campaigns were conducted across the state to ensure maximum participation. Senior election officials held regular meetings with political parties at the state, district and assembly constituency levels to explain the revision process and share progress updates.

Booth Level Officers (BLOs) carried out house-to-house visits to all electors listed as of October 27, distributing Enumeration Forms and making at least three follow-up visits for collection. Booth Level Agents were permitted to submit up to 50 forms per day to strengthen coordination at the grassroots level.

To support field staff, BLOs were assisted by Anganwadi workers, students from NCC, NSS and election literacy clubs, volunteers, revenue officials and social work students. The poll body said more than 93 per cent mapping of collected forms was achieved through repeated training sessions, video tutorials and doubt-clearing programmes.

Special initiatives during SIR

During the exercise, the Chief Electoral Officer of Kerala launched motivational and outreach initiatives aimed at supporting election staff managing the heavy workload of digitising voter data. District-level programmes were also rolled out to recognise and motivate BLOs and supervisors completing digitisation targets.

In areas with weak network connectivity, a community-based digitisation model was adopted, where BLOs collectively digitised forms from locations with better internet access. Special urban camps were organised across all wards of urban local bodies to ensure comprehensive coverage of city voters.

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