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Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947

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Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]By: Saeed Naqvi

How indistinguishable the Congress ideologically is from the BJP was the theme of the main edit page article written by French scholars Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers in the Indian Express on October 5.

The editor grasped the heart of the matter and gave it an apt headline: Congress and the BJP, “Tweedledum and Tweedledee”. The Jaffrelot-Verniers duet have, for their laboratory, focused on Gujarat – on how principal leaders have swung from one side to the other, repeatedly, like trapeze artistes in a circus.

I suspect this is the beginning of a wider research because the Tweedledum-Tweedledee image is applicable to all regions wherever there is some Congress presence. In most places it looks like the BJP’s B team, and has conceded spaces to it for that very reason.

In recent decades there have been two distinct postures the Congress has struck towards the BJP. In Madhya Pradesh, under the leadership of Arjun Singh and Digvijay Singh, the party has taken the BJP head on. There was no other force to combat.

In Kerala, particularly under K. Karunakaran’s chief ministership, the party turned to the Sangh Parivar, whenever help was required for electoral battle with the Left Front. In fact Karunakaran was a master at ambidextrous politics. On one occasion in Kozhikode he maneuvered the Congress, BJP and Muslim League on the same side to defeat CPM’s T.K. Hamza.

Is Hindu Rashtra Unnecessary? India Became Hindu Raj in 1947 - 1What has been the result of the Congress grappling with Hindutva in Bhopal or flirting with it in Thiruvanthapauram?

State and district level Muslim congress leaders I met last week in Indore, Dhar and Mandu painted a dismal picture of their circumstance. Their party’s high command in New Delhi or Bhopal took them for granted. “TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor applies to us” Mohammad Kamran, youth Congress leader lamented. When a Muslim majority village was gutted, no “senior” (for which read “Hindu”) congress leader turned up to inquire.

Circumstances in Rajasthan are similar. When 10 Muslims were shot dead by policemen in Gopalgarh in 2011, an hour’s drive from Delhi, neither Rahul Gandhi nor Home Minister, P. Chidambaram considered it worth their while to visit despite several delegations imploring them to do so. This was the first instance in the country of police firing inside a mosque.

In Kerala, the frequent Congress dependence on sectarian groups has had the effect of slowly opening the door just enough for Hindutva forces to make a bid for replacing the Congress. That this process has been slow is attributable to the state’s distinct and enlightened social structure.

This did not deter Karunakaran from his efforts to “Brahminize” Rajiv Gandhi who, in his perception, would not graduate from the ranks of the “Baba log” without persistent “ang pradarshan” or ritual prayers at the Krishna temple in Guruvayur. Whether Rajiv transited to becoming a Brahmin or even a Hindu is less than clear. What is certain is that he developed a taste for Guruvayur’s famous rice and milk pudding, payasam, large quantities of which were made available for his extended family’s New Year celebrations at Lakshadweep islands.

Rajiv Gandhi’s unprecedented victory in the December 1984 elections (404 seats in House of 514) was interpreted as Hindu consolidation in response to minority communalism which had resulted in Indira Gandhi’s assassination. Even the party, treasurer, Sitaram Kesari, non communal to his finger tips, interpreted the mandate in majoritarian terms.

In 1986, V.N. Gadgil, among the more enlightened General Secretaries of the Congress, told me in great confidence: “the feeling is widespread among Hindus, that Muslims were being appeased.”

This thinking guided subsequent Congress actions, making it just as indistinguishable from the BJP as Jeffrelot and Verniers found it in Gujarat. How “appeased” the Muslims were became clear in the Sachar Committee report on their social-economic conditions during sixty years of Congress rule. They had, in their social status, tumbled below the lowest Dalits.

Ranganath Misra Commission’s recommendations to help Muslims out of the plight described by Sachar Committee, was placed on the shelf where it gathers dust to this day.

Srikrishna Commission which named politicians directly involved in Mumbai riots of 1992-93 in which 900 people (majority of them Muslims) were killed and their shops and houses gutted, has remained secret.

It would require amnesia of a very high order to heap all the credit for the brazen saffronization at Naendra Modi’s door. It would require magic or miracle to have advanced the Hindutva cause with such rapidity in three years. Frankly, the ground has been prepared over the past 70 years.

We must not forget, the Hindu Mahasabha, RSS, Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad and elements in the Congress were quite “indistinguishable” one from the other all along.

The founder of the Hindu Mahasabha, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was a four time President of the Congress. His vision of India would not have been very different from that of the Banaras Hindu University which he founded.

Rajeshwar Dayal, the first Home Secretary of UP, in his memoirs, A Life of Our Times, mentions an astonishing story about Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, UP’s first Chief Minister and RSS supremo Guru Golwalkar. The RSS chief was found with a trunk load of incriminating evidence of extensive plans for communal violence in Western UP. The Chief Minister however enabled him to escape.

It all leads to the inescapable conclusion, argued in my book “Being The Other: The Muslim in India”. Having accepted Mountbatten’s June 3, 1947, plan for the Partition of India, Congress de facto accepted the Two-Nation theory while publicly arguing against it. Dissembling was essential to keep Kashmir. On August 15, 1947, India seamlessly glided from British Raj to Hindu Raj. It could have been named Hindustan (just as the other country was called Pakistan). With Hindu at the helm a more honest bargain on sharing power would have been possible. The painful process of a second distillation for a Hindu Rashtra could have been avoided.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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BJP to launch 5,000-km Parivartan Yatra across West Bengal ahead of Assembly elections

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The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will begin its large-scale ‘Parivartan Yatra’ in poll-bound West Bengal from Sunday, marking a major political outreach drive ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections.

The party said the campaign is designed to mobilise support across the state and counter what it alleges has been more than a decade of “corrupt, undemocratic, and anti-people governance” under the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC).

Statewide mobilisation across nine divisions

According to party leaders, the Yatra will be conducted simultaneously in all nine organisational divisions of West Bengal. The outreach programme is expected to cover nearly 5,000 kilometres, passing through 38 organisational districts and more than 230 Assembly constituencies.

The BJP estimates the initiative will generate over one crore direct public touchpoints, focusing heavily on face-to-face interactions and grassroots engagement. As part of the campaign plan, the party has scheduled 63 large rallies and 281 welcome meetings at key entry points of Assembly constituencies.

With the slogan “Paltano Dorkar, Chai BJP Sorkar”, the party has framed the Yatra as both an electoral campaign and a broader political movement aimed at strengthening its organisational presence across the state.

Focus on governance, law and order, and corruption

The party’s messaging during the Yatra will centre on governance, accountability, and systemic reforms. BJP leaders plan to raise concerns related to women’s safety, alleged corruption in the education sector, including teacher recruitment issues, and what they describe as threats to national security.

Party sources indicated that demographic changes, illegal infiltration, and the presence of extremist elements in border districts will also be key themes during the campaign.

In rural areas, the outreach will emphasise agricultural infrastructure, implementation of centrally sponsored schemes, and removal of intermediaries. In urban regions, the narrative will focus on industrial development, youth employment, and improvements in urban transport systems.

Senior leaders to participate

More than 100 senior leaders from the central and state units are expected to be involved in the Yatra. The inaugural phase, scheduled for Sunday and Monday, will feature five launch events on the first day and four on the second.

Senior BJP leaders including Amit Shah, JP Nadda, Rajnath Singh, Dharmendra Pradhan, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, and Nitin Nabin are expected to attend various programmes during the campaign.

After a short break for Holi, the Yatra will resume from March 5 to March 10, with each unit operating for approximately nine hours daily. The campaign is set to culminate in a major public meeting at Kolkata’s Brigade Ground, where Prime Minister Narendra Modi is scheduled to address supporters.

The BJP is positioning the Parivartan Yatra as a significant step in reshaping the political landscape of West Bengal as the state moves closer to the Assembly elections.

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BJP alliances in Assam likely to be sealed by March 10

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Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has indicated that the alliance between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) is expected to be finalised by March 10 ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections.

The AGP, a long-time ally of the BJP in Assam, is also a founding member of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Discussions between the partners are progressing, with indications that the formal announcement could come within days.

Sources said there could be “friendly fights” between the BJP and AGP in a few constituencies. Such arrangements may be considered to accommodate local-level aspirations and party workers from both sides.

The BJP is also likely to conclude seat-sharing discussions with the Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) by March 10. In the previous Assembly election, the BPF had aligned with the Indian National Congress (Congress), but it has now returned to the NDA fold.

However, seat-sharing talks between the BJP and its other Bodoland-region partner, the United People’s Party Liberal (UPPL), are reportedly facing hurdles. Earlier, Mr Sarma had stated that the UPPL would not join hands with the Congress.

On the opposition side, the Congress is dealing with its own alliance challenges. Negotiations with Akhil Gogoi-led Raijor Dal are underway, but sources suggested that discussions have not been progressing smoothly.

Congress sources said seat-sharing arrangements with the Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) and Left parties are almost finalised. An official announcement is awaited from the party’s high command.

As political negotiations intensify, both the ruling NDA and the opposition camp are working to conclude alliances and seat-sharing deals in the run-up to the state polls.

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Rohit Pawar alleges big personality link in Ajit Pawar plane crash case

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Nationalist Congress Party (SP) MLA Rohit Pawar on Thursday alleged that a “big personality” was connected to the company linked to the plane crash that killed his uncle, Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, and others in Baramati last month.

Addressing reporters after holding a protest, Rohit Pawar demanded the resignation of Union Civil Aviation Minister K. Rammohan Naidu. He alleged that the minister’s party had financial links to the company involved in the crash and said he should step down from his post.

“The owner of VSR company is close to very powerful leaders. Many people in Maharashtra are connected to this. There is a clear attempt to protect VSR because some ‘big personality’ is involved in this,” Rohit Pawar said.

Demand for wider probe

The fatal aircraft accident occurred in Baramati on January 28. Following the incident, the investigation into the accidental deaths of Ajit Pawar and others was transferred to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of the Pune Police, considering the gravity of the case.

Rohit Pawar questioned the progress of the probe and said the public must be informed about the steps taken so far. He pointed out that the Aircraft Accident Investigation Bureau (AAIB) examines technical aspects of an aviation mishap, but not possible criminal angles.

Additional Director General of Police Sunil Ramanand said the CID investigation is exploring multiple aspects, including whether there was any foul play or sabotage behind the accident, whether criminal negligence played a role, and whether there was any larger conspiracy. He added that the AAIB report would be incorporated into the CID’s findings once received.

Family voices concerns

Referring to concerns raised by family members, Rohit Pawar said that Jay Pawar, Ajit Pawar’s son, had expressed doubts on social media regarding the aircraft’s black box. Sunetra Pawar, Ajit Pawar’s wife, has sought a probe by the Central Bureau of Investigation.

Speaking emotionally about his relationship with his uncle, Rohit Pawar said Ajit Pawar had guided him politically and personally. He added that Ajit Pawar had wished to reunite with Sharad Pawar and had recently spoken to him.

The CID continues its investigation, while awaiting the technical report from the AAIB.

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