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Ramadan Ceasefire In Kashmir Meaningless If Media War Continues

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Ramadan Ceasefire In Kashmir Meaningless If Media War Continues

~By Saeed Naqvi

I have never seen the electronic media so totally defiant of the BJP government. Home Minister Rajnath Singh’s avowed intention to calm Kashmir by announcing a Ramadan ceasefire appears to have been dismissed as “appeasement of Pakistan and terrorists”.

A guest peering out of one of the six windows on the TV screen was frothing in the mouth. “Murderers of our brave jawans are being shamelessly appeased.” The other went one better: “a brave nation does what the Sri Lankan army did to the LTTE – just finished them off.” The anchor on this Aaj Tak show Thursday evening looked angrier than both. This apparently is common fare.

The Communist Party of India is receiving signals from its Kashmir unit that it may have to rename itself. The ‘I’ in the CPI has been hurting the state unit for quite some time. But after the recent surge in shootings, stone pelting, “encounters”, sustained images of wailing women, trailing the spate of funerals, and relentless media jingoism, the “I” now invites physical danger. True, a defunct party by any name will remain defunct, but even so, Communist Party of Kashmir (CPK) will atleast not incur the wrath of the street.

The relative Ramadan peace is a good occasion to take stock. Even in days of drift in Kashmir during the time of P.V. Narasimha Rao, Atal Behari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh, there was a semblance of political control by the National Conference and the PDP. Elements of the Hurriyat had fingers on the street pulse. The scene recently has been anarchic: there was no control.

Recent increase in violence was described by reliable sources as “indigenous” which is not what officials say.  A narrative which discounts outside “meddling” is not honeyed music to the establishment. Nor to that shrill panel – on Aaj Tak. Ironical, isn’t it, that absence of outside support to the insurgency disturbs us?

Just when Kashmir was at fever pitch, the mayhem in Aligarh Muslim University erupted around the photograph of Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

Friends are in error if they consider the undiluted hooliganism on view in Aligarh an occasion to engage in a serious debate on Jinnah’s culpability in partitioning the country. The hoodlums of Aligarh were not busting their guts to have Jinnah’s portrait removed from the AMU union office. Quite the contrary. Hindu Yuva Vahini would love to provoke Aligarh hotheads to dig their heels in to preserve Jinnah in the university precincts. This will be the ammunition which can come in handy at all times. The campus will be the ordnance depot for frequent explosions in the service of the projected Hindu Rashtra.

This is not the first time in recent decades that AMU has been exploited for saffron politics. Ever since Prime Minister V.P. Singh aggravated identity politics by implementing the Mandal Committee report providing reservation in government jobs to lower castes, the BJP has rushed to prevent the caste structure from crumbling. Hindu consolidation, by building up the Muslim ogre, has been the obvious strategy.

Aligarh was frequently the target as part of this strategy. There was no Arnab Goswami in the 90s but Hindi newspapers played a lead role in widening the Hindu-Muslim divide.

A story appears in newspapers that, after horrendous riots in Aligarh city, some of the injured Hindus being taken to the University Medical College for treatment, are being killed by Muslim doctors and interns. Even though the university is only three hours drive from New Delhi, newspapers choose to rely on unverified agency copy which, in turn, quotes upper caste Hindi newspapers.

An incredible scene is being enacted on the outskirts of the university. Local scribes seated on chairs arranged in a circle under a mango tree, sip tea even as one Krishna Kumar Navman, BJP MLA from Aligarh, holds them in his thrall with graphic accounts of murders in the hospital.

“Has anyone visited the Medical College?”, I ask. They had not, they say, because it is “risky”.

At the medical college the picture is surreal: petrified doctors encircle me.

“No one has come to us for clarification”, they complain.

Why have they not reached out to the journalists with their story? After a long, pregnant silence, they speak up. They thought it would be dangerous stepping out of the campus “in the midst of communal violence”. This is what I call uninstitutionalized apartheid.

That was 30 years ago when there were no TV channels to inculcate saffron nationalism on the scale I saw the other day and which I have mentioned above.

Folks overtly agitated or elated at the turn of events in Aligarh, may find it sobering that Pakistan’s Jinnah is not the only leader around whom communal polarization can be contrived. Ram Navami processionist in Kankinara, 24 Parganas in West Bengal were so overpowered by the spirit of Rama that they pulled down the statue of Congress President and India’s first Education Minister, Maulana Azad – a person, who in his outlook was exactly the opposite of Jinnah. This was in preparation for the Panchayat elections currently in the news.

Protection to anti namaz lumpens in Gurugram, or those who pasted a Maharana Pratap Road placard on Akbar Road (the placard was removed the next morning), Modi clenching his fist at Tipu Sultan during the recent campaign, are minor episodes in an epic of hatred being manufactured for 2019 ofcourse, and beyond if need be. In this gameplan there is no real, long term respite for Kashmiris, Muslims, or Indo-Pak peaceniks. Alongside, the rage of the dalits and tribals is spiraling out of control. There is an element of simulation in anti Muslimism for political reasons but the retribution faced by dalits and tribals in the countryside is visceral.

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IIT Bombay Professor Suryanarayana Doolla sent on leave amid student suicide row

IIT Bombay professor Suryanarayana Doolla has been sent on leave amid the ongoing student protests following Sahil Wakode’s death.

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IIT Bombay professor Suryanarayana Doolla has been sent on leave amid the ongoing controversy following the death of 20-year-old student Sahil Wakode, with protests on the campus seeking action against the professor.

Doolla, a faculty member in IIT Bombay’s Department of Energy Science and Engineering, had been involved in the examination incident concerning Wakode. The student was allegedly found using a mobile phone during a mid-semester examination and had uploaded the question paper to an AI platform to seek answers, according to the institute.

Why Suryanarayana Doolla is at the centre of the controversy

Doolla was the course instructor and examination invigilator during the examination and was involved in reporting the alleged examination malpractice to the institute’s authorities.

IIT Bombay has said Wakode was subsequently counselled by the instructor and the Head of Department and was assured that the examination incident would not adversely affect his academic career. The institute has also maintained that no disciplinary action had been initiated against the student before his death.

Wakode’s family, however, alleged harassment and caste-based discrimination. Mumbai Police registered a case based on the family’s complaint, with Doolla among those named. The allegations remain subject to investigation.

Student protests at IIT Bombay

Following Wakode’s death, students began protesting on the IIT Bombay campus and demanded action against Doolla.

IIT Bombay Director Professor Shireesh Kedare met the protesting students on September 20 and signed an 18-point charter of demands. The demands included action against Doolla.

Doolla was subsequently removed from the post of Dean Students Welfare amid the protests. The latest action comes as the controversy surrounding Wakode’s death and the allegations against the professor continue to be investigated.

Faculty members back Doolla

While students have demanded action against Doolla, IIT Bombay’s Faculty Forum has backed the professor, saying he was performing his duties as an invigilator and had followed the institute’s prescribed procedure after detecting the alleged examination malpractice.

The controversy involves the examination incident, allegations made by Wakode’s family and the police investigation into his death. The allegations against Doolla have not been established as facts and remain part of the ongoing investigation.

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Amit Shah sets 2029 deadline to make India drug-free

Union Home Minister Amit Shah has set December 31, 2029 as the deadline for India’s fight against drugs, urging states to focus on dismantling trafficking networks rather than only recording seizures.

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Union Home Minister Amit Shah has set December 31, 2029 as the deadline for India’s campaign against drugs, calling on states and Union Territories to move beyond recording seizures and focus on dismantling the networks behind narcotics trafficking.

Speaking at the third National Conference of Anti-Narcotics Task Force Heads in New Delhi on Tuesday, Mr Shah said India would not allow drugs to enter or leave the country.

“Neither will we allow a single gram of drugs to enter India, nor will we allow a single gram of drugs to go out,” he said.

The conference brought together police chiefs from 36 states and Union Territories as the government outlined its roadmap for tackling the country’s drug problem.

Amit Shah asks states to focus on drug networks

Mr Shah said drug seizures alone should not be treated as the measure of success. He called for a shift from meetings to missions, reports to results and seizures to dismantling the networks responsible for drug trafficking.

Districts have been identified as the frontline units in the strategy. They are to be assessed based on whether they are involved in drug production or entry, serve as transit corridors or primarily face drug consumption.

The response would then be tailored according to the nature of the threat in each district.

The Home Minister also stressed the need to follow the money generated by narcotics trafficking, including through investigations into bank accounts and shell transactions that help sustain drug networks.

Synthetic drugs, darknet and crypto payments in focus

The government is also preparing for emerging methods used by drug traffickers, with synthetic drugs, darknet marketplaces, cryptocurrency payments and dead-drop deliveries identified as areas requiring greater attention.

Mr Shah urged states to develop specialised teams capable of investigating these newer forms of narcotics trafficking.

The government also wants foreign nationals involved in drug supply chains to face deportation and blacklisting, while those operating supply networks into India from abroad are to be pursued for extradition.

2026-2029 drug control roadmap

The government’s Vision Document 2026-2029 is based on four pillars: enforcement and intelligence, control of precursor chemicals and synthetic drugs, demand and harm reduction, and capacity building.

According to the report, the document contains more than 100 individual targets.

The Nashamukt Mitra programme is another part of the campaign. Nearly 47,000 volunteers have registered so far, with a target of reaching one lakh volunteers. The programme plans to take awareness activities to around 10 lakh schools and colleges.

The government has also launched new television advertisements against drug use, redesigned the Narcotics Control Bureau website and laid the foundation stones for NCB zonal complexes in Lucknow and Dehradun.

Mr Shah linked the anti-drug campaign to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of a developed India by 2047, arguing that protecting the country’s young population from narcotics is essential to that goal.

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J&K Assembly uproar over Maharaja Hari Singh, Sheikh Abdullah holidays

A holiday row over Maharaja Hari Singh and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah triggered an uproar in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, with BJP and NC members raising competing slogans.

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The Jammu and Kashmir Assembly witnessed a heated exchange on Tuesday over public holidays associated with Maharaja Hari Singh and Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, with members of the ruling National Conference (NC) and BJP raising slogans in support of the respective leaders.

The issue was raised a day before the September 23 public holiday marking Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary.

NC legislator Abdul Majid Larmi demanded that the holiday for Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary be withdrawn if the public holiday for Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s birth anniversary was not restored.

The demand led to an uproar in the House, with BJP members raising slogans in support of Maharaja Hari Singh and accusing the NC of insulting his legacy. NC legislators responded with slogans supporting Sheikh Abdullah.

What happened over the holiday issue

The Centre withdrew the public holiday marking Sheikh Abdullah’s birth anniversary after the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019. His birth anniversary is observed on December 5.

The government also discontinued the public holiday on July 13, which was observed as Martyrs’ Day in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir.

In contrast, September 23, Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary, is now observed as a public holiday in Jammu and Kashmir.

PDP members also joined the discussion and demanded the restoration of the July 13 public holiday.

Speaker says he has no power over holidays

As slogan-shouting continued in the Assembly, Speaker Abdul Rahim Rather attempted to calm the members.

The Speaker said that the authority to declare or withdraw public holidays did not fall within his jurisdiction.

Why July 13 was observed as Martyrs’ Day

July 13 was traditionally observed as a public holiday in Jammu and Kashmir. Official functions were held at the Martyrs’ Graveyard to commemorate the 22 people killed during the 1931 uprising against the Dogra monarchy under British rule.

Following the abrogation of Article 370 and the bifurcation of the erstwhile state into two Union Territories in 2019, July 13 was removed from the list of public holidays. Official commemorations and ceremonial police tributes were also discontinued.

The 1931 killings and the unrest that followed led to the appointment of two commissions to examine grievances of the Muslim community in Kashmir and eventually contributed to limited political reforms.

The first Assembly elections in Jammu and Kashmir were held in 1934, although the Maharaja retained extensive powers over key matters at the time.

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