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UP’s psychedelic play of castes

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It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide.

There is visible desperation in Akhilesh Yadav reaching out to Congress

Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

Tactics are very important, and battles need to be won if the war is to be won. Seen from this point of view, the Samajwadi Party (SP) led by Akhilesh Yadav, the Gen-Next leader of the party and the Congress, unofficially led by Nehru-Gandhi Gen-Next, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra, agreeing to be poll partners in the February-March assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh sounds practical and pragmatic. The SP under patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav has been an eminently anti-Congress party, which was seen as the face of upper caste domination in the caste-riven state. But times change, and so do generations. It is legitimate for both SP and Congress to reboot their agendas as it were, and to find commonalities in place of the earlier divergences and opposition.

It is possible that Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi/Priyanka Vadra may want to sit and rethink their priorities, and bring about a political alliance between the Yadav-dominant Other Backward Class/Caste (OBC) SP and the so-called upper caste/upper crust base of the Congress. Of course, the two sides are in fact looking to the nearly 19 per cent Muslim vote, which goes under the neutral term of “minorities”. The other major group in the state’s hierarchical social/caste stratification is that of Dalits, who form a solid bloc under the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati.

The SP, the BSP and the Congress, as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), adopt the politically correct stance that they do not recognize caste divisions, and that they appeal to all social segments, that is caste segments. That is why, BSP gives enough seats to Muslims and Brahmins, and the SP gives a nod to Dalit presence. The Congress is looking to the Dalits and the Muslims, apart from the upper castes led by Brahmins and Rajputs. The BJP pretends as though Muslims do not exist while it tries to woo the Dalits, the Most Backward Classes/Castes (MBCs) and the upper castes. The caste combinations in the political calculus of each party make for a nice psychedelic graphic mix.

It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus, cutting across caste— upper, middle, backward, oppressed—lines, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. But the BJP will be hard put to enthuse the different segments of the Hindu society as one because the idea of Ram temple in Ayodhya does not enthuse the majority community. The BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants to shed its “brahminical” cultural affiliation and reach out to other caste groups, willing to risk losing its upper caste base. It was the BJP tidal wave that swept all before it in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, and it seems to have traumatised the SP and the Congress, if not the BSP.

But the best laid plans of all the parties might go awry. Brahmins may not go with the BJP, BSP or the Congress. But it cannot be the case. They have to choose one among the three. The Brahmins can hope to be part of the power structure in a SP-Congress alliance, and the Dalits too can base their choice by voting for the alliance. Similarly, Muslims will have to choose from among the SP, BSP and the Congress. Psephologists and political realists describe these choices under the rubric of “tactical voting”.

Idealists are sure to be saddened by the caste battle lines and would be asking whether Uttar Pradesh can break out of the caste crucible. The truth might be that a significant number of people, especially the youth, might be opting out of the caste mould and voting for parties and candidates who lie beyond. It appears that something of this kind might have happened in the state during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, when quite a large number of people did not vote along caste lines and therefore voted with an open mind, willing to give the BJP under Modi to govern at the centre. Will they be willing to do the same in an assembly election which means changing power equations nearer home?

The SP and the Congress would want to pre-empt the out-of-the-(caste)-box voting choice of the Muslims especially. But it would seem that the Muslim youth have a mind of their own, and they are not willing to vote on the jaded issue of secularism vs communalism. Their demands are different, and it is for economic opportunity. If they refuse to vote for Modi and the BJP, it will not be because they consider Modi/BJP to be anti-Muslim, but they would judge them on their failure to deliver on the economic promises. The Dalits are unlikely to abandon the BSP/Mayawati banner because they know that victory is politically feasible with the right caste, and not political, alliances.

Lead picture: It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. Photos: UNI

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Yogi Adityanath hits back after Akhilesh Yadav says organising cabinet meeting at Kumbh is political

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

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The political atmosphere in Uttar Pradesh sizzled as Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath launched a blistering attack on Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, accusing him of disrespecting the Maha Kumbh and the religious sentiments of the Indian people. This sharp rebuke, delivered during a public rally in Milkipur ahead of crucial by-elections, followed Yadav’s criticism of the state government holding a cabinet meeting at the Kumbh Mela site.

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

He further escalated his attack, painting the Samajwadi Party as being mired in internal property disputes and insinuating connections to criminal elements, thereby attempting to discredit Yadav’s criticisms as coming from a morally compromised position.

Yadav’s initial criticism focused on the perceived impropriety of holding a cabinet meeting within the sacred space of the Kumbh Mela. He argued that the government was inappropriately using a religious event for political purposes, a charge that Adityanath vehemently rejected.

The Uttar Pradesh cabinet meeting itself was significant. All 54 ministers attended, approving numerous development schemes designed to boost Prayagraj and the surrounding region.

A key announcement involved extending the Ganga Expressway, a crucial infrastructure project designed to connect Prayagraj, Mirzapur, Bhadohi, Kashi, Chandauli, and ultimately, the Purvanchal Expressway in Ghazipur. This ambitious project, Adityanath claimed, would significantly contribute to sustainable development in the region.

Logistical adjustments were made to minimize disruption to the Kumbh Mela pilgrims. The cabinet meeting’s venue was shifted from the Mela Authority Auditorium to the Triveni Sankul in Arail to avoid inconveniencing devotees and managing the security arrangements for the VIP attendees.

The day concluded with Adityanath and his entire cabinet participating in the Kumbh Mela’s sacred rituals, taking a ceremonial dip in the Triveni Sangam. This highly publicized event, mirroring a similar participation in 2019, served as a powerful visual counterpoint to Yadav’s earlier criticism. The event simultaneously showcased the government’s commitment to religious traditions while promoting its developmental agenda.

The clash between Adityanath and Yadav underscores the deep political divisions and the strategic use of religious symbolism in Uttar Pradesh’s political landscape. The Maha Kumbh, a significant religious event, became a battleground for political point-scoring, highlighting the complex interplay between religion and politics in the state.

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Delhi Assembly elections: BJP promises free education and student aid, AAP raises concerns

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Arvind Kejriwal addressing media after writing to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on BJP’s alleged electoral misconduct

As Delhi gears up for the upcoming assembly elections on February 5, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) released the second installment of its election manifesto, promising comprehensive solutions to citizen issues and tackling misgovernance and corruption allegations against the incumbent Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

The manifesto, dubbed ‘sankalp patra,’ includes significant pledges such as free education from pre-school to postgraduate levels for needy students at government institutions, and a financial package comprising Rs 15,000 and travel reimbursements for young individuals taking entrance exams. Scheduled Caste students enrolled in technical and professional courses are also promised a monthly stipend of Rs 1,000.

Building on their first manifesto which targeted women voters, the BJP’s latest promises focus on the youth, with over 1.5 lakh set to benefit from a new skills training program. This release follows criticisms by AAP of the BJP’s approach, especially after the tragic incident last July where three civil service aspirants lost their lives due to flooding.

Anurag Thakur, former Union Minister, emphasized the ‘Modi ki guarantee’ assurance, stating these initiatives would be implemented swiftly if the BJP is elected. The manifesto also includes welfare measures for domestic workers and insurance schemes for auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers, who have traditionally been a strong support base for AAP.

In response, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal critiqued the BJP’s plans, particularly highlighting a clause that, according to him, would limit free education to only “eligible” children, deviating from AAP’s policy of universal free education. Kejriwal also recalled BJP’s earlier statement on discontinuing free healthcare, framing these promises as a threat to the financial stability of Delhi’s households.

The AAP’s counter-campaign warns voters that electing BJP could lead to increased living costs and bureaucratic hurdles in accessing education and healthcare, urging the electorate to consider these factors carefully. With the election results due on February 8, both parties continue to vie for public favor through promises aimed at key demographics.

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Uttarakhand State cabinet approves uniform civil code manual, dates for rollout soon

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Pushkar Singh Dhami

In a significant step toward legal reform, the Uttarakhand Cabinet, led by Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami, has approved the manual for the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code (UCC). The approval came during a Cabinet meeting held at the state secretariat on Monday. The dates for the rollout of the UCC will be announced soon.

This decision follows partial amendments made to the rules previously drafted for the UCC’s implementation. The amendments were thoroughly examined and finalised with input from the Law Department, with the Cabinet’s discussion focusing on the smooth execution of the law.

Post-meeting, Chief Minister Dhami expressed his satisfaction with the progress, underlining the government’s commitment to fulfilling a key electoral promise. “We had assured the people of Uttarakhand during the 2022 elections that the UCC would be implemented promptly once our government came to power. With the draft committee’s work complete, we are now closer to fulfilling that promise,” Dhami stated.

Uttarakhand’s implementation of the UCC will make it the first state in India to adopt a comprehensive civil law framework for all religious communities. The UCC aims to standardize laws in areas such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption, and maintenance. While India already has a Uniform Criminal Code, a unified civil law has not existed until now.

The UCC will explicitly exclude tribal communities and prohibit practices such as ‘halala’, ‘iddat’, and ‘talaq’, which are part of Muslim Personal Law. The law itself consists of 392 sections and is divided into seven schedules. The comprehensive 750-page draft, which spans four volumes, was prepared by a five-member expert committee formed in June 2022 to examine the feasibility of introducing the UCC in Uttarakhand.

Led by Retired Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai, the committee submitted the final draft to the state government on February 2, 2024. The draft received approval from the state Cabinet on February 4, followed by ratification by the state Assembly during a special session. Governor Lt. Gen Gurmit Singh (Retd) gave the green light on February 28, marking the UCC’s passage into law, a move hailed as a historic milestone in Indian legal history.

While the implementation dates are yet to be finalized, the Cabinet’s approval signals that Uttarakhand is poised to set a significant legal precedent in India.

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