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UP’s psychedelic play of castes

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It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide.

There is visible desperation in Akhilesh Yadav reaching out to Congress

Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

Tactics are very important, and battles need to be won if the war is to be won. Seen from this point of view, the Samajwadi Party (SP) led by Akhilesh Yadav, the Gen-Next leader of the party and the Congress, unofficially led by Nehru-Gandhi Gen-Next, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra, agreeing to be poll partners in the February-March assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh sounds practical and pragmatic. The SP under patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav has been an eminently anti-Congress party, which was seen as the face of upper caste domination in the caste-riven state. But times change, and so do generations. It is legitimate for both SP and Congress to reboot their agendas as it were, and to find commonalities in place of the earlier divergences and opposition.

It is possible that Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi/Priyanka Vadra may want to sit and rethink their priorities, and bring about a political alliance between the Yadav-dominant Other Backward Class/Caste (OBC) SP and the so-called upper caste/upper crust base of the Congress. Of course, the two sides are in fact looking to the nearly 19 per cent Muslim vote, which goes under the neutral term of “minorities”. The other major group in the state’s hierarchical social/caste stratification is that of Dalits, who form a solid bloc under the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati.

The SP, the BSP and the Congress, as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), adopt the politically correct stance that they do not recognize caste divisions, and that they appeal to all social segments, that is caste segments. That is why, BSP gives enough seats to Muslims and Brahmins, and the SP gives a nod to Dalit presence. The Congress is looking to the Dalits and the Muslims, apart from the upper castes led by Brahmins and Rajputs. The BJP pretends as though Muslims do not exist while it tries to woo the Dalits, the Most Backward Classes/Castes (MBCs) and the upper castes. The caste combinations in the political calculus of each party make for a nice psychedelic graphic mix.

It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus, cutting across caste— upper, middle, backward, oppressed—lines, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. But the BJP will be hard put to enthuse the different segments of the Hindu society as one because the idea of Ram temple in Ayodhya does not enthuse the majority community. The BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants to shed its “brahminical” cultural affiliation and reach out to other caste groups, willing to risk losing its upper caste base. It was the BJP tidal wave that swept all before it in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, and it seems to have traumatised the SP and the Congress, if not the BSP.

But the best laid plans of all the parties might go awry. Brahmins may not go with the BJP, BSP or the Congress. But it cannot be the case. They have to choose one among the three. The Brahmins can hope to be part of the power structure in a SP-Congress alliance, and the Dalits too can base their choice by voting for the alliance. Similarly, Muslims will have to choose from among the SP, BSP and the Congress. Psephologists and political realists describe these choices under the rubric of “tactical voting”.

Idealists are sure to be saddened by the caste battle lines and would be asking whether Uttar Pradesh can break out of the caste crucible. The truth might be that a significant number of people, especially the youth, might be opting out of the caste mould and voting for parties and candidates who lie beyond. It appears that something of this kind might have happened in the state during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, when quite a large number of people did not vote along caste lines and therefore voted with an open mind, willing to give the BJP under Modi to govern at the centre. Will they be willing to do the same in an assembly election which means changing power equations nearer home?

The SP and the Congress would want to pre-empt the out-of-the-(caste)-box voting choice of the Muslims especially. But it would seem that the Muslim youth have a mind of their own, and they are not willing to vote on the jaded issue of secularism vs communalism. Their demands are different, and it is for economic opportunity. If they refuse to vote for Modi and the BJP, it will not be because they consider Modi/BJP to be anti-Muslim, but they would judge them on their failure to deliver on the economic promises. The Dalits are unlikely to abandon the BSP/Mayawati banner because they know that victory is politically feasible with the right caste, and not political, alliances.

Lead picture: It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. Photos: UNI

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Renaming MGNREGA removes core spirit of rural employment law, says Shashi Tharoor

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Shashi Tharoor

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor has strongly criticised the renaming of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), saying the move strips the rural employment programme of its core essence. His remarks came after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, also referred to as the VB-G RAM G Bill.

Speaking to media, Tharoor said the decision to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the scheme “takes out the heart” of the rural employment programme that has been in place for years. He noted that the identity and philosophy associated with Mahatma Gandhi were central to the original law.

Tharoor also objected to the way the new name was framed, arguing that it unnecessarily combined multiple languages. He pointed out that the Constitution envisages the use of one language in legislation, while the Bill’s title mixes English and Hindi terms such as “Guarantee”, “Rozgar” and “Ajeevika”, along with the conjunction “and”.

‘Disrespect to both names’

The Congress leader said that inserting the word “Ram” while dropping Mahatma Gandhi’s name amounted to disrespecting both. Referring to Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas, Tharoor said that for Gandhi, the concepts of Gram Swaraj and Ram Rajya were inseparable, and removing his name from a rural employment law went against that vision.

He added that the name of Lord Ram could be used in many contexts, but questioned the rationale behind excluding Mahatma Gandhi from a programme closely linked to his philosophy of village self-rule.

Protests over passage of the Bill

The VB-G RAM G Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha on December 18 and cleared by the Rajya Sabha in the early hours of December 19 amid protests from Opposition members. Several MPs opposed the manner in which the legislation was pushed through, with scenes of sloganeering and tearing of papers in the House.

Outside Parliament, members of the Trinamool Congress staged a sit-in protest near Samvidhan Sadan against the passage of the Bill. Congress also announced nationwide protests earlier this week, accusing the government of weakening rights-based welfare schemes.

Despite opposition criticism, the government has maintained that the new law will strengthen rural employment and livelihood security. The Bill raises the guaranteed employment from 100 days to 125 days per rural household and outlines a 60:40 cost-sharing formula between the Centre and states, with a higher central share for northeastern, Himalayan states and certain Union Territories.

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Rahul Gandhi attacks G RAM G bill, says move against villages and states

Rahul Gandhi has criticised the G RAM G bill cleared by Parliament, alleging it dilutes the rights-based structure of MGNREGA and centralises control over rural employment.

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Rahul Gandhi

Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi has launched a sharp attack on the Modi government after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Employment and Livelihood Mission (Rural) Bill, commonly referred to as the ‘G RAM G’ bill. He described the proposed law as “anti-state” and “anti-village”, arguing that it weakens the core spirit of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

The new legislation, which is positioned as an updated version of MGNREGA, was passed amid protests by opposition parties and is expected to replace the existing scheme once it receives presidential assent.

‘Bulldozed without scrutiny’, says Rahul Gandhi

Rahul Gandhi criticised the manner in which the bill was cleared, saying it was pushed through Parliament without adequate debate or examination. He pointed out that the opposition’s demand to refer the bill to a standing committee was rejected.

According to him, any law that fundamentally alters the rural employment framework and affects crores of workers should undergo detailed scrutiny, expert consultation and public hearings before approval.

Claim of dilution of rights-based guarantee

Targeting the central government, the Congress leader said the proposed law dismantles the rights-based and demand-driven nature of MGNREGA and replaces it with a rationed system controlled from Delhi. He argued that this shift undermines the autonomy of states and villages.

Rahul Gandhi alleged that the intent behind the move is to centralise power and weaken labour, particularly impacting rural communities such as Dalits, OBCs and Adivasis.

Defence of MGNREGA’s impact

Highlighting the role of MGNREGA, Gandhi said the scheme provided rural workers with bargaining power, reduced distress migration and improved wages and working conditions, while also contributing to rural infrastructure development.

He also recalled the role of MGNREGA during the Covid period, stating that it prevented crores of people from slipping into hunger and debt. According to him, any rationing of a jobs programme first affects women, landless workers and the poorest communities.

Opposition to name change and provisions

The Congress has also objected to the renaming of the scheme, accusing the government of attempting to erase the legacy associated with Mahatma Gandhi. Opposition MPs staged a dharna within the Parliament complex, questioning provisions of the bill that they claim dilute the “soul and spirit” of the original law enacted in 2005.

Under MGNREGA, the government guaranteed 100 days of work in rural areas along with an unemployment allowance if work was not provided. The ‘G RAM G’ bill proposes to raise the guaranteed workdays to 125, while retaining other provisions. However, critics have flagged concerns over employment being linked to pre-approved plans.

The bill was cleared after a midnight voice vote in the Rajya Sabha, following its passage in the Lok Sabha amid protests and walkouts. It will become law once approved by the President.

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AAP dominates Punjab zila parishad polls, leads in most panchayat samiti zones

AAP has won 201 out of 317 declared zila parishad zones in Punjab so far and is leading in a majority of panchayat samiti seats, with counting still underway.

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Punjab Zila Parishad Polls

The ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has recorded a strong performance in the Punjab zila parishad elections and is leading in the majority of panchayat samiti zones, as per results declared so far on Thursday. The counting process is still underway and complete results are awaited, officials said.

Polling for the rural local bodies was held on December 14 to elect representatives across 347 zones of 22 zila parishads and 2,838 zones of 153 panchayat samitis in the state.

AAP secures clear edge in zila parishads

According to the available results, outcomes have been declared for 317 zila parishad zones so far. Of these, the AAP has won 201 zones, placing it well ahead of other parties.

The Congress emerged second with victories in 60 zones, followed by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) with 39 zones. The BJP won four zones, the BSP secured three, while independents claimed 10 zones.

District-wise data shows that the AAP won 22 zones in Hoshiarpur, 19 each in Amritsar and Patiala, 17 each in Tarn Taran and Gurdaspur, and 15 zones in Sangrur. The Congress registered its best performances in Gurdaspur and Ludhiana with eight zones each, followed by Jalandhar with seven zones. The SAD performed strongly in Bathinda with 13 zones, while the BJP managed to win four zones in Pathankot.

AAP leads in panchayat samiti results

In the panchayat samiti elections, trends declared so far indicate that the AAP is leading in a majority of zones. However, officials clarified that counting is ongoing and the final picture will be clear only after all ballot papers are tallied.

Kejriwal, Mann reject opposition allegations

Reacting to the trends, AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal said the party’s performance reflected strong rural support for the Bhagwant Mann government’s work. Addressing the media in Mohali along with Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, Kejriwal dismissed allegations of irregularities raised by opposition parties.

He said the elections were conducted in a fair and free manner and claimed that the results so far showed a clear wave in favour of the AAP in rural Punjab. Kejriwal stated that nearly 70 per cent of the zila parishad and panchayat samiti seats had gone in favour of the party.

Congress, SAD question poll conduct

The Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal, however, accused the ruling party of misusing official machinery. Punjab Congress chief Amrinder Singh Raja Warring alleged that the AAP had “stolen” the rural mandate and claimed that the results did not reflect genuine public support.

Opposition parties had earlier also accused the AAP government of high-handedness during the polling process, allegations that the ruling party has strongly denied.

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