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Rafale deal: CAG report along expected lines on price, but raises other questions

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Rafale deal

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]The report of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) on Rafale deal tabled on the last day of the Budget Session in the Parliament today (Wednesday Feb 13), while contradicting Modi government’s claim of the reworked contract price being 9% lower than the previous deal negotiated by the UPA government, said it was 2.8% cheaper.

The audit does not go into the unanswered question of what was the need for cancelling the old deal envisaging transfer of technology and working out a new deal. If the UPA government had been slow in finalising the deal, as Modi government alleges, it could have speeded up the negotiations and sealed it in a matter of months instead of taking another over year-and-a-half after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s surprise announcement in Paris.

There is also a question about the claim of faster delivery of the fighter aircraft in the renegotiated deal. A report in The Times of India (TOI) said the CAG report says that in the 2007 offer, 18 aircraft were to be delivered by 50th month of signing the contract. The next 18 were to be licensed produced in HAL and to be delivered from 49 to 72 months of the contract signing.

However, in the 2016 contract, the first 18 aircraft would be delivered between 36 to 53 months after signing of IGA and the remaining 18 to be delivered by 67 months, the CAG says, according to the TOI report.

The first Rafale jet is reportedly expected to arrive only later this year – by September 2019 and the rest of the first batch by 2022. If the negotiation of the previous deal, that was nearly complete, had been expedited and completed in 2015 – when the fresh process was started – the first  batch of 18 Rafale aircraft would have arrived by next year.

Even without these, the report, “Capital Acquisition in Indian Air Force”, tabled in the Rajya Sabha by Union Minister of State for finance, Pon Radhakrishnan, is a mixed bag from which both the Modi government as well as the Opposition, particularly the Congress party, can choose points to suit their respective narratives on the Rafale deal.

The CAG report, while predictably redacting the controversial details of the final purchase price for the 36 Rafale fighter jets that the Modi government negotiated with the French government and Dassault Aviation in 2016, says that the government did save on the renegotiated deal: it was 2.8% cheaper than the 2007 deal.

It is pertinent to note here that the 2007 negotiations were being carried out for purchase of 126 Rafale jets, also involving transfer of technology to India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). The deal negotiated by the Modi government in 2016 was for only 36 jets with no transfer of technology involved.

The CAG report also says that officials of the Indian Air Force had, indeed, objected to certain proposed enhancements to the jet, that were sought by the Indian government 2016 from Dassault Aviation, as unnecessary. This was from those who have to fly the fighter and go to battle.

The report states that at least four “unnecessary India specific enhancements” were made to the Rafale jet as part of the deal though senior officials from the Indian Air Force had categorically informed the Ministry of Defence (MoD) that these were not needed. The MoD ministry, the report states, overruled the view of experts from the Indian Air Force.

Aspects of the deal that are more expensive include engineering support package and performance-based logistics.

The Modi government can take heart from the report also saying that India managed to save 17.08 percent money for the India Specific Enhancements in the 36 Rafale aircraft contract as compared to the 126 aircraft deal proposed by the UPA regime. The cost of the basic aircraft is the same in both cases.

The contract for Rafale consisted of six different packages with a total of 14 items. The contracted price of seven items was higher than the aligned price, the price at which the contract should have been signed.

Three items, including basic aircraft, were procured at the same price. Four items were purchased at lower than the aligned price.

The auditor also endorses claims made in a recent report published by The Hindu newspaper earlier this week which the Opposition has since used to slam the Modi government for a “sell out” to Dassault Aviation. The report in The Hindu had said that the deal renegotiated by the Modi regime had excluded sovereign guarantee clauses for Dassault Aviation, thereby ensuring that the French defence giant gets undue benefits in exchange.

CAG said in the previous offer of 2007, Dassault Aviation had provided performance and financial guarantees which was about 25 per cent of the total value of the contract. The vendor had embedded the cost in its bid price. But in the 2016 contract there are no such guarantees or warranty. This led to saving for Dassault Aviation which was not passed on to India.

The CAG, however, does not factor this aspect in its estimate that says the NDA-II’s deal was 2.86% cheaper. If these costs were considered – 25 per cent of the total value of the contract – the Modi government’s deal would be more expensive than the UPA’s.

Further, the auditor suggests that a Defence Ministry team in March 2015 had recommended scrapping of the 126 jet deal saying that Dassault Aviation was not the lowest bidder and EADS (European Aeronautic Defence & Space Company) was not fully compliant with the tender requirements. This has been among the major claims of the Opposition while attacking the Modi government on the Rafale deal.

The report has examined 11 defence deals (five from the UPA era and six from the NDA era) which were signed between 2012 and 2017. Prices have been redacted only for the part of the report that deals with the Rafale purchase agreements.

The Congress and other opposition parties have dismissed the report as biased because auditor Rajiv Mehrishi was Finance Secretary when the deal for 36 Rafale fighter jets was inked in 2016. The Congress alleges that Mehrishi was “complicit in the irregularities” in the Rafale deal and alleged that “the bungling was happening at the highest level with his direct or indirect complicity and consent”.

Union minister Arun Jaitley lashed out at the Opposition: “The lies of the Mahajhootbandhan stand exposed by the CAG report. It cannot be that the Supreme Court is wrong, the CAG is wrong and only the dynast is right,” he said, taking a swipe at Congress president Rahul Gandhi.

The CAG report came even as a report in The Hindu newspaper on Wednesday said at least three senior Defence Ministry officials among the seven-member Indian Negotiating Team were of the view that the final price offered by the French Government cannot be considered as ‘better terms’ compared to the deal under the UPA.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Centre sends 3 letters to Punjab government after anti-drug activist’s killing

The Centre has sought reports from the Punjab government on three incidents linked to allegations surrounding drug-related activities, including the killing of anti-drug activist Parvinder Singh Jhota.

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Amit Shah

The Union government has sought detailed explanations from the Punjab government regarding three incidents linked to concerns over drug-related activities in the state. The move follows the killing of anti-drug activist Parvinder Singh Jhota in Mansa and comes amid renewed scrutiny of the state’s drug problem and law-and-order situation.

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) sent three letters to the Punjab chief secretary on October 16, with copies to the state’s director general of police. The communications sought information about Jhota’s killing, the fatal attack on Bikramjit Singh in Gurdaspur district, and the reported suicide of Gulzar Singh in September.

What the Centre’s three letters cover

The first letter concerned the October 13 killing of Parvinder Singh, popularly known as Jhota, who was known for raising concerns about drug abuse and alleged illegal sales of intoxicating substances in Punjab.

The ministry sought a comprehensive factual report on the incident and details of the steps taken by the state government following his death. It also asked about action taken on the Union government’s Vision Document on Narcotics Control for 2026–2029.

The document outlines measures to strengthen anti-narcotics enforcement, including dedicated anti-narcotics task forces, financial investigations, prosecution under the Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act, and action against transnational drug networks.

The second letter concerned the attack in Mari Panwan village in Gurdaspur district, in which Bikramjit Singh died and Nishan Singh and Gurmukh Singh were critically injured.

According to accounts cited in the report, the three men had objected to alleged drug peddling in their village before being attacked with sharp-edged weapons. However, police have denied that the incident was motivated by drug-related disputes and said an investigation was underway. Bikramjit’s relatives have also disputed the police account that the murder followed a dispute over a mobile phone.

The third letter sought details about Gulzar Singh’s death on September 8. The ministry referred to reports that he had raised concerns about the availability of synthetic drugs and had faced pressure and harassment from the local village panchayat. These allegations form part of the circumstances the Centre has asked the state government to examine and report on.

Amit Shah raises questions over Punjab’s law and order

Union Home Minister Amit Shah also raised concerns about the situation in Punjab, referring to the challenges posed by drugs, gangsterism and organised crime.

Questioning the Bhagwant Mann-led government over public safety, Shah called for action against the drug trade, protection for young people and strict measures against criminals.

The Centre’s requests place the three incidents under scrutiny, although the alleged links between the attacks or deaths and opposition to drug-related activities remain subject to the specific circumstances and investigations in each case.

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Mallikarjun Kharge seeks all-party meeting with PM Modi on delimitation

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the fourth time, seeking an all-party meeting on delimitation. He also flagged the 64-day delay in proroguing Parliament’s Monsoon Session.

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Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has renewed his demand for an all-party meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi to discuss the government’s proposed delimitation exercise, arguing that political parties must have adequate time to examine the proposals before they are finalised for consideration in Parliament.

In a letter to the prime minister on Friday, October 16, Kharge also raised concerns over what he described as an unprecedented delay in formally proroguing Parliament’s Monsoon Session. He said 64 days had passed since the session was adjourned sine die on August 13, while both Houses were yet to be prorogued.

Kharge seeks wider consultations on delimitation

Kharge said he had first written to Modi on April 11, requesting an all-party meeting before the government introduced a constitutional amendment bill concerning delimitation.

According to the Congress president, the government did not convene the requested meeting before making the bills public late on April 14 and calling a special session of Parliament on April 16.

The constitutional amendment bill on delimitation subsequently failed to secure the required two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha on April 17.

Kharge said he had again written to the prime minister on July 16 and August 27, reiterating his demand for consultations. In his latest letter, he made the request for the fourth time, asking the government to discuss its revised proposals with political parties before finalising them for parliamentary consideration.

The Congress chief stressed that political parties should receive sufficient time to discuss the proposals among themselves and with other stakeholders.

He also cautioned the government against attempting to push through another far-reaching constitutional amendment without adequate deliberation.

Congress raises concern over Parliament session

Apart from delimitation, Kharge highlighted the delay in proroguing the Monsoon Session, which was adjourned sine die on August 13.

He described the 64-day gap as unprecedented and linked the issue to concerns about possible government plans to bring fresh delimitation proposals before Parliament.

Prorogation formally ends a parliamentary session. Kharge’s letter raised the issue while urging the government to ensure wider political consultation before proceeding with any new legislative proposals.

Jairam Ramesh shares Kharge’s letter

Congress general secretary for communications Jairam Ramesh also drew attention to the letter by sharing it on X.

Ramesh said Kharge had written to Modi about the delay in proroguing the Monsoon Session and the possibility of further government moves on delimitation.

The Congress’s latest demand centres on securing time for political parties to examine the government’s proposals before they are finalised for consideration in Parliament.

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Abhijeet Dipke detained ahead of CJP’s national flag march in Delhi

Cockroach Janta Party founder Abhijeet Dipke was detained by Delhi Police on October 16, 2026, shortly before a planned national flag march. The proposed rally followed the judicial custody of two CJP members who had waved the Tricolour at Jantar Mantar.

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Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke was detained by Delhi Police on Friday, October 16, shortly before he was due to participate in a planned national flag march in the capital.

According to the report, police personnel reached Dipke’s residence and detained him just minutes before the proposed ‘Lehra Do Tiranga’ rally. The march was planned in Delhi amid tensions over restrictions on demonstrations and the detention of CJP members.

The latest detention marks the second time Dipke has been detained within a week. He was previously detained after arriving at Delhi’s airport from Mumbai for a protest against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar over allegations of manipulation during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

Why was the national flag march planned?

One of the main triggers for the planned march was the judicial custody of two CJP members, Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka.

The two were sent to five-day judicial custody after entering Jantar Mantar while waving the national flag on October 13. The incident occurred a day after the historic protest site was denotified as a protest location, according to the report.

The proposed march was called ‘Lehra Do Tiranga’. CJP planned the rally amid its continuing opposition to Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar over alleged electoral irregularities.

The allegations concerning voter-list manipulation remain allegations and should not be presented as established findings.

Police had issued a notice before the detention

Before detaining Dipke, Delhi Police personnel visited his residence and served him a notice advising him against holding the proposed march.

The notice was issued under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), according to the report. It stated that prohibitory orders were in force in the Connaught Place area.

The notice also cited the absence of permission from the New Delhi Municipal Council (NDMC) for the proposed Tiranga Yatra. It warned that proceeding with the march despite the restrictions would be considered a violation of the law.

The detention came amid heightened attention to the proposed gathering in central Delhi and the dispute over whether the planned march could proceed under the prevailing restrictions.

A second detention in a week

Dipke’s latest detention followed his earlier detention at Delhi airport after he arrived from Mumbai for a planned protest over the SIR exercise and allegations concerning voter-list manipulation.

The latest episode adds to the ongoing confrontation between CJP and the authorities over its proposed demonstrations. The immediate context for the October 16 march was the judicial custody of two party members following their appearance at Jantar Mantar with the national flag.

The report does not establish that the allegations of electoral manipulation are proven, nor does it provide a final judicial determination of the dispute surrounding the planned march.

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