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BJP bags over Rs 705 crore in corporate doles since 2012, Congress distant second at Rs 198 crore

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BJP bags over Rs 705 crore in corporate doles since 2012

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Analysis by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR) of donations received by five national political parties between financial year 2012-2013 and 2015-16 shows that irrespective of its stint in power the BJP constantly raked in the maximum moolah in voluntary contributions above Rs 20,000 by corporates and trusts 

Whoever advised to ‘make hay while the sun shines’ possibly didn’t know of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s capability of earning hundreds of crores of rupees from corporate donations whether or not the party won general elections to rule the country.

An analysis of donations above Rs 20000 made to various political parties between financial year 2012-2013 and 2015-2016 shows how the BJP earned a staggering Rs 705.81 crore out of a total of Rs 1,070.68 crore donated by corporates and electoral trusts.

As much as 89 per cent – Rs 956.77 crore – of the total donations of Rs 1070.68 crore received by the five political parties whose donations receipts were analysed – came from corporates/business houses.

The analysis done by the Association of Democratic Reforms after studying filings made by political parties and electoral trusts before the Election Commission of India also highlights major anomalies in the manner in which political parties receive ‘voluntary contributions’ from big – or even non-descript – corporate houses and trusts.

The over Rs 705 crore donations received by the BJP from 2987 corporate donors is nearly three times the combined corporate donations received by the remaining four parties – the Congress, CPM, CPI and NCP – which declared the donations received by them. The Congress – which along with its allies in the UPA was in power at the Centre for at least two of four years that were analysed by ADR – received just Rs 198.16 crore from 167 such donors.

The two key Left parties – CPI and CPM – received the lowest amounts in donations, Rs 18 lakh and Rs 1.89 crore respectively while Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) received Rs 50.73 crore during the same period. No data was available for Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) as the party claimed that it did not receive any donation of above Rs 20,000 (the cap beyond which details of donations received have to be made public).

Political parties are required to submit details of donors who have made donations above Rs 20,000 in a financial year (between April 1 and March 31) to the Election Commission of India, every year. Parties provide details of the name, address, Permanent Account Number (PAN), mode of payment and amount contributed by each donor who has donated above Rs 20,000 in their submission.

The BJP, Congress, and NCP – which collectively accounted for over 80 per cent of all donations received by the five political parties – made maximum monetary gains under the “trusts and group of companies” category, which included entities with interests in mining, real estate, power, newspapers and other businesses. This category of corporate/business houses alone donated Rs 432.65 crore to political parties between 2012-13 and 2015-16, says the ADR report. While the BJP received Rs 287.69 crore, the Congress got Rs 129.16 crore, and the NCP Rs 15.78 crore. The BJP received the highest donations from all 14 sectors defined in the ADR report – the maximum coming in from real estate companies – Rs 105.20 crore followed by mining, construction, exports/imports – Rs 83.56 crore – and then the chemicals/pharmaceuticals sector – Rs 31.94 crore.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row css=”.vc_custom_1503052619020{margin-bottom: 20px !important;border-top-width: 20px !important;padding-top: 20px !important;background-color: #a2b1bf !important;}”][vc_column][vc_column_text]What is interesting – although predictably so – is the fact that donations received by political parties show a gradual increase as the country moved towards the Lok Sabha elections and then suddenly slumped – by over 80 per cent – once the elections were over in May 2014.

A cursory perusal of the ADR report reveals how in the financial year 2014-15, during which Lok Sabha elections were held, corporate donations constituted 60 per cent of the total money received by political parties between FY 2012-13 and 2015-16. Donations from corporates to national parties reduced by 86.58 per cent between FY 2014-15 and 2015-16. In numeric terms, the political parties received a total of Rs 82.4 crore in corporate donations in 2012-2013, which went up to Rs 224.60 crore in 2013-2014 and then surged to Rs 573.18 crore in the poll year of 2014-2015 before falling drastically to Rs 76.94 crore in the following fiscal.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Another curious take-away from the ADR report is that the parties collectively received Rs 384.04 crore in over 1900 donations which did not list the PAN details of the contributor. National parties have received Rs 355.08 crore from 1,546 donations which do not have address details in the contribution form. The ADR report says: “99 per cent of such donations without PAN and address details worth Rs 159.59 crore belong to BJP” and that “Such incomplete contribution reports must be returned to the parties by the ECI, to deter them from providing incomplete information.”

Furthermore, political parties reported receiving 262 donations worth Rs 10.48 crore from such corporate entities who have zero internet presence and even if they do, there is ambiguity about the nature of their work.

The Electoral Trusts

What is particularly noteworthy about ADR’s analysis is that it points at two Electoral Trusts – Satya Electoral Trust and General Electoral Trust – as being the largest contributors in monetary terms to the parties – mainly the BJP and Congress.

The Central Board of Direct Taxes had in 2013 made it mandatory for electoral trusts to register with it, declare their address and names of trustees, get a CIN number and annually file details of who they have received donations from during a financial year and the amounts that have been contributed towards different political parties. These trusts that could receive donations from various entities and then donate the money to political parties without having to disclose the original source of the funds; the only condition being that they had to donate 95 per cent of the total contributions received by them to political parties.

While both Satya and General Electoral Trusts donated generously to the BJP and Congress, little is known about the manner in which they operate. What arouses even more suspicion is that even though details of Satya group – which has donated Rs 193.62 crore to the BJP, Rs 57.25 crore to the Congress and Rs 10 crore to the NCP between 2013-2014 and 2015-2016 – are known, there is absolutely no information about the trustees, address or CIN Number of the General Electoral Trust.

The General Electoral Trust which was formed before the Electoral Scheme was launched by the Government in 2013, was the second highest corporate donor to BJP and INC. Between FY 2012-13 & 2015-16, it donated Rs 70.70 crore to the BJP and Rs 54.10 crore to the Congress but there is no information available with the CBDT or the EC on which companies the General Electoral Trust received this money from.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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No one damaged EC the way Rajiv Kumar has done: Kejriwal on poisoning Yamuna remark notice

Failure to comply, the Commission warned, would result in appropriate action. The political stakes are undeniably high, with accusations flying between the AAP and the BJP-led Haryana government just days before a crucial election.

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Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) national convenor Arvind Kejriwal launched a scathing attack on Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Rajiv Kumar on Thursday, accusing him of deliberately damaging the Election Commission of India’s credibility and engaging in partisan politics. The former Chief Minister said no one has damaged the election body the way Kumar has done.

The catalyst for this outburst was a notice issued by the CEC regarding Kejriwal’s allegations that the Haryana government was deliberately poisoning the Yamuna River, a crucial water source for Delhi.

Kejriwal, addressing a press conference, went on the offensive, claiming that Kumar’s actions were motivated by his desire for a lucrative post-retirement position. He vehemently declared, “No one has damaged the Election Commission the way Rajiv Kumar has done. If he wants, he can contest elections from any of the Delhi assembly seats,” challenging the CEC directly. His words carried a tone of defiance and a clear implication of political manoeuvring.

The core of Kejriwal’s accusations centred on the alleged contamination of the Yamuna River’s water supply to Delhi. He pledged to prevent Delhi’s residents from consuming the poisoned water, stating, “I will not let the people of Delhi drink poisonous water till I am alive. I know they will arrest me in two days, but I am not afraid,” underscoring his determination to fight the issue regardless of potential consequences.

This public confrontation followed the Election Commission’s expression of dissatisfaction with Kejriwal’s initial response to their notice. The Commission deemed his reply inadequate and gave him a second chance to substantiate his serious allegations against the Haryana government. The original reply, a 14-page document, detailed the alleged severe contamination and toxicity of the water from Haryana and the potential for serious health consequences and even fatalities.

The timing of this controversy is highly significant, coinciding with the upcoming Delhi elections scheduled for February 5th, with results to be announced on February 8. The Election Commission’s latest notice, issued on Thursday, demanded specific evidence by 11 AM on January 31st, including details of the type, quantity, and method of the alleged poisoning, along with precise information about the engineers involved and the methodology used for testing the water quality.

Failure to comply, the Commission warned, would result in appropriate action. The political stakes are undeniably high, with accusations flying between the AAP and the BJP-led Haryana government just days before a crucial election.

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Delhi elections: Swati Maliwal detained for dumping garbage outside Arvind Kejriwal’s residence

She emphasized that the protest wasn’t targeted at any specific party but rather at the systemic failure to address Delhi’s cleanliness crisis.

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On Thursday, Delhi Police took Rajya Sabha MP Swati Maliwal into custody for dumping garbage outside the residence of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) national convener and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. This act of protest was a dramatic display of her discontent with the city’s deteriorating sanitation conditions.

Maliwal, once a close confidante of Kejriwal, has transformed into a staunch critic. This shift in allegiance followed an alleged assault at Kejriwal’s residence in May of the previous year, an incident that irrevocably altered their relationship. Since then, she has consistently seized opportunities to publicly lambaste Kejriwal and other AAP leaders, utilizing her platform to voice her grievances.

Her latest protest was meticulously planned. Earlier that day, she announced her intention to deliver three truckloads of garbage to Kejriwal’s doorstep, a symbolic gesture reflecting her assessment of Delhi’s current state. Speaking to the media following her detention, she delivered a scathing critique of the city’s cleanliness, characterizing it as an overflowing garbage bin.

https://twitter.com/SwatiJaiHind/status/1884901493918077281

“The whole city has turned into a garbage bin,” she declared. “I came here to have a conversation with Arvind Kejriwal. I would say to him, ‘Sudhar jao, warna janata sudhaar degi’ – ‘Reform yourself, or the people will reform you.'” She expressed complete disregard for potential repercussions, boldly stating, “I am neither afraid of his goons nor his police.”

Maliwal’s protest was not merely a personal vendetta. She framed it as a response to numerous citizen complaints, particularly those from residents of Vikaspuri who had reported an unaddressed garbage dump. She emphasized that the protest wasn’t targeted at any specific party but rather at the systemic failure to address Delhi’s cleanliness crisis.

“This protest is not against any party,” she clarified. “Today, Delhi is in an unprecedentedly bad state. Every nook and corner of Delhi is dirty, roads are broken, and drains are overflowing.” She used the opportunity to highlight the disconnect between the ruling party and the lived realities of Delhi’s citizens, asserting that Kejriwal has lost touch with the ground realities of the city he governs. The garbage, she declared, was a “filthy gift” from the AAP government to the people of Delhi.

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BJP’s Harpreet Kaur Babla wins Chandigarh mayor election

The INDIA bloc will undoubtedly need to address the internal fissures exposed by this election to effectively challenge the BJP’s dominance.

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The INDIA bloc, a significant Opposition, experienced a significant setback in the Chandigarh Municipal Corporation (CMC) mayoral elections on Thursday. Despite holding a seemingly comfortable numerical advantage, their joint candidate from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and the Indian National Congress (INC), Prem Lata, lost to the BJP’s Harpreet Kaur Babla. This defeat highlights internal divisions and vulnerabilities within the Opposition coalition.

The election results revealed a surprising outcome. The BJP, possessing only 16 seats in the 35-member House, managed to secure 19 votes for their candidate, Harpreet Kaur Babla. The AAP-Congress alliance, with a combined strength of 19 councillors plus the additional vote of the Congress Member of Parliament from Chandigarh (an ex-officio member with voting rights), should have easily secured a majority. Their joint candidate, Prem Lata, however, only received 17 votes. The discrepancy strongly indicates significant cross-voting within the opposition ranks, undermining the INDIA bloc’s unified front.

The secret ballot nature of the election made it impossible to definitively pinpoint the defectors. Speculation abounds regarding potential reasons for the cross-voting, ranging from individual political ambitions to possible inducements or pressures from the ruling BJP. The loss raises serious questions about the coalition’s ability to present a cohesive and reliable challenge to the BJP in future elections. The incident serves as a cautionary tale, illustrating the fragility of alliances and the potential for internal conflicts to derail even seemingly insurmountable numerical advantages.

This setback is particularly poignant considering the history surrounding Chandigarh’s mayoral elections. The 2024 mayoral poll saw a Supreme Court intervention, overturning a BJP victory due to the then-presiding officer’s controversial invalidation of eight AAP-supporting ballots. This previous legal battle highlighted the contentious political climate in Chandigarh and the lengths to which parties are willing to go to secure victory.

The current defeat underscores the continuing volatility of the political landscape and the BJP’s persistent ability to navigate complex electoral scenarios. The INDIA bloc will undoubtedly need to address the internal fissures exposed by this election to effectively challenge the BJP’s dominance.

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