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4 states, 4 elections, 4 potential crises for Congress hoping for poll wins

With Assembly elections due in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Assam in 2026, the Congress is balancing optimism with internal challenges and alliance negotiations.

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Four states — Assam, West Bengal, Kerala and Tamil Nadu — are scheduled to vote in April/May 2026, presenting the Congress with four key opportunities to reset its political narrative after setbacks in recent elections.

After defeats in Delhi and Bihar last year, the party is keen to secure at least one significant win to reinforce its position ahead of the 2029 Lok Sabha polls. However, the road to revival is layered with internal challenges and alliance uncertainties across the four states.

Congress’ 2026 election hopes

The Congress is particularly optimistic about its prospects in Kerala. Riding on what it considers a strong performance in the December 2025 local body elections, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) secured over 38 per cent of the combined vote share across corporation, municipality and panchayat polls.

In neighbouring Tamil Nadu, the mood is similarly positive. The Congress remains an ally of the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and expects the alliance to return to power for a second consecutive term. The party also believes the partnership can once again block the expansion efforts of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state.

That said, seat-sharing negotiations are yet to begin and could prove contentious. Sections within the Tamil Nadu Congress unit are reportedly seeking a more active role in government if the alliance wins, a demand that has caused friction. There are also murmurs of possible realignments, including speculation about outreach to actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, which has positioned the DMK as its “political enemy”. The state Congress unit, however, has denied any formal link to such discussions and urged the DMK to begin seat talks.

In the 2021 Assembly elections, the Congress won 18 seats in Tamil Nadu while the BJP secured four. In 2016, the Congress had won eight seats, whereas the BJP failed to open its account.

Kerala leadership balancing act

In Kerala, questions over leadership have hovered in the background. Senior leaders Shashi Tharoor and Ramesh Chennithala have both been seen as possible chief ministerial faces should the party come to power.

For now, the party has attempted to strike a balance. Chennithala has been named the leader of the election campaign, with Tharoor as his deputy. The Congress is expected to project a collective leadership approach rather than foreground a single face.

Tharoor had earlier drawn attention after comments that were interpreted by some within the party as being favourable to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, particularly following remarks linked to the Pahalgam attack last year. His recent public support of Rahul Gandhi during a parliamentary confrontation over former Army chief MM Naravane’s unpublished memoir has been viewed by some as a sign of improving ties within the party.

Tough terrain in Bengal

The situation is more challenging in West Bengal. The Congress has decided to contest independently against both the ruling Trinamool Congress and the BJP, each a formidable opponent.

In the 2021 Assembly election, the Congress failed to win any of the 91 seats it contested and saw its vote share decline by 9.32 per cent. With limited organisational strength, the party’s decision to go solo is being viewed as a bold but low-risk strategy given its current position.

In June 2024, senior leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury stepped down as state unit chief following poor electoral performances. Subhankar Sarkar was appointed in his place. Chowdhury had consistently opposed an alliance with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s party, even during attempts at broader opposition unity.

The state unit has since ruled out tie-ups with the Trinamool Congress as well as with the Left Front.

Assam’s internal churn

Assam presents a different set of difficulties. The Congress currently holds 29 seats in the state Assembly and faces an uphill battle against the ruling BJP.

Controversy surrounding former state unit chief Bhupen Borah has cast a shadow over preparations. Borah recently submitted a resignation letter containing critical remarks about his successor, Gaurav Gogoi. Reports suggest he has also been courted by the BJP, with Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma expected to meet him.

Efforts by the party leadership, including outreach by Rahul Gandhi, appear to have paused any immediate exit, though uncertainty remains. The developments come just days before a scheduled visit by Priyanka Gandhi Vadra to the state.

For the Congress, retaining its existing seats while strengthening its grassroots base may be a more realistic goal in Assam, with an eye on longer-term prospects.

Lessons from the past

Recent history underscores the risks posed by internal divisions. In Haryana, factional tensions between Kumari Selja and Bhupendra Singh Hooda were widely cited as factors in the party’s underperformance. Similar rivalries in Chhattisgarh between Bhupesh Baghel and TS Singh Deo, and in Rajasthan between Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot, also weighed on the party’s electoral fortunes.

As the 2026 Assembly season approaches, the Congress finds itself with opportunities in multiple states — but also confronting internal strains and alliance complexities. Whether it can convert these contests into electoral gains may depend as much on managing its internal equations as on countering its rivals.

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Chandrashekhar Azad to be CM candidate of alliance with Owaisi for Uttar Pradesh elections

Asaduddin Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, bringing together the AIMIM and Azad Samaj Party in an effort to consolidate Dalit and Muslim voters.

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Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, seeking to emerge as a third political force and draw support from sections of Muslim and Dalit voters.

As part of the alliance, Owaisi declared Chandrashekhar Azad as the alliance’s Chief Ministerial face for the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

Owaisi had been seeking a place in the Opposition alliance for months and had even issued ultimatums to the Samajwadi Party and Congress. However, his efforts did not find takers.

The alliance brings together AIMIM’s focus on Muslim political representation and the Azad Samaj Party’s outreach among Dalit voters. Both parties are seeking to establish a political formation outside the BJP-led NDA and the Samajwadi Party-led opposition.

Why Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad joined hands

Uttar Pradesh AIMIM president Shaukat Ali said the party approached Chandrashekhar Azad after its efforts to reach an understanding with the Samajwadi Party, Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party did not succeed.

Ali said AIMIM wanted a broader alliance to prevent the BJP from returning to power in Uttar Pradesh for a third consecutive term.

He also criticised the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance, questioning its prospects in the next Assembly elections.

Chandrashekhar Azad, the Lok Sabha MP from Nagina, said the partnership would focus on empowering young people, farmers and weaker sections of society.

He also raised concerns over employment opportunities, demonetisation and issues affecting educated youth from Dalit and backward communities.

What the alliance means for Akhilesh Yadav’s PDA strategy

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has used the PDA formulation to bring together backward classes, Dalits and minorities. The AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance is seeking support among two important sections of this broader social grouping.

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

What the parties’ previous election performance shows

Both AIMIM and the Azad Samaj Party have struggled to establish a significant presence in Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

In the 2022 Assembly elections, AIMIM contested more than 90 seats but secured less than 0.5 per cent of the total votes. The Azad Samaj Party contested more than 100 seats and received approximately 0.13 per cent of the votes.

Chandrashekhar Azad, however, won the Nagina Lok Sabha constituency in 2024, giving his party its first elected representative in Parliament.

The alliance is now attempting to combine AIMIM’s support among sections of Muslim voters with Azad’s outreach among Dalit communities.

Its electoral prospects will depend on the seat-sharing arrangement, local leadership and whether the two parties can translate their combined social outreach into electoral support.

SP leaders respond to the alliance

Samajwadi Party MP from Ayodhya, Awadhesh Prasad, dismissed the electoral significance of the AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance. He said that people in Uttar Pradesh had lost faith in the BJP government and described Akhilesh Yadav as the only leader capable of removing the BJP from power in 2027.

The alliance’s formation could therefore become an important factor in the political discussions ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections, particularly because both leaders are seeking support among communities that the Samajwadi Party also hopes to bring together through its PDA formulation.

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Mother Dairy raises milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12

Mother Dairy has increased milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12. Full cream milk will now cost Rs 76 per litre, while toned milk will be priced at Rs 62.

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Mother Dairy has increased the prices of its liquid milk variants by Rs 2 to Rs 4 per litre, with the revised rates coming into effect from Thursday, November 12. The price revision will affect consumers in the Delhi-NCR market, where the dairy company is a major milk supplier.

The increase comes amid rising input costs, particularly higher procurement prices paid to farmers. According to sources, the company has decided to pass on part of the additional cost to consumers.

A spokesperson for Mother Dairy declined to comment on the latest price revision.

Check new Mother Dairy milk prices

The revised rates cover several liquid milk variants sold in the NCR market. Full cream milk has seen the highest increase of Rs 4 per litre.

Here are the revised prices:

Milk variantOld priceNew price
Toned milk (bulk vended)Rs 58Rs 60
Full cream milk (pouched)Rs 72Rs 76
Toned milk (pouched)Rs 60Rs 62
Double toned milkRs 54Rs 56
Cow milkRs 62Rs 65

The new prices will be applicable from November 12.

Why Mother Dairy has increased milk prices

The latest revision follows an increase in the procurement prices of milk from farmers. Sources said the higher procurement costs have prompted Mother Dairy to partly transfer the additional input expenses to consumers.

The company passes on around 75-80 per cent of its milk sales realisation to farmers.

Mother Dairy had last increased milk prices on May 14, 2026. Before that, its previous price revision took place in April 2025.

Mother Dairy’s daily milk sales

Mother Dairy sells approximately 35 lakh litres of milk every day in the Delhi-NCR market through its own outlets, general trade channels and e-commerce platforms.

Its overall daily milk sales exceed 50 lakh litres.

The company recorded a 17 per cent increase in turnover to Rs 20,300 crore in the last financial year. The growth was supported by improved demand for its milk products and cooking oils.

About Mother Dairy

Commissioned in 1974, Mother Dairy is a wholly owned subsidiary of the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB).

The company sells milk and milk products under the Mother Dairy brand. It markets edible oils under the Dhara brand, while fresh fruits and vegetables, frozen vegetables, snacks, pulps and concentrates are sold under the Safal brand.

Mother Dairy operates nine milk processing plants and four horticulture processing plants. Its edible oil operations are supported by 16 associated plants.

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Air pollution as big a health emergency as COVID, says former WHO chief Soumya Swaminathan

Former WHO Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan said air pollution should be treated with the same urgency as COVID, highlighting its effects on children, pregnancy and multiple organs.

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Air pollution should be treated as a major public health emergency requiring an urgent and coordinated response, former World Health Organisation (WHO) Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan has said.

In an exclusive interview, Dr Swaminathan compared the scale of the air pollution health crisis with COVID and said its effects can extend across the body, including the brain, lungs and cardiovascular system. She also highlighted links between pollution exposure and conditions such as asthma and diabetes.

Why air pollution needs a COVID-like response

Dr Swaminathan said COVID triggered an immediate public response because it was sudden, visible and associated with an unknown virus. Air pollution, by contrast, is often less visible and its effects accumulate over time.

She said people may become accustomed to pollution because it is not always visible, particularly outside the winter months. But she stressed that prolonged exposure can still cause serious health damage.

She called for the issue to receive an “equal, urgent, coordinated and scientific” response, similar to the approach taken during the COVID crisis.

PM2.5 poses risks from pregnancy to childhood

Dr Swaminathan also highlighted concerns about exposure to fine particulate matter, particularly PM2.5, among pregnant women and children.

According to her, these tiny particles can enter the lungs and bloodstream and may also reach the placenta. She pointed to higher rates of premature births and low birth weight among babies born in areas where mothers are exposed to high levels of air pollution.

She also said children are particularly vulnerable because their brains and other organs are developing rapidly. Children breathe faster than adults, and those growing up in heavily polluted areas can have smaller lungs, she said.

Why AQI may not tell the full health story

Dr Swaminathan suggested moving beyond the conventional Air Quality Index (AQI) towards an Air Quality Health Index (AHQI).

The proposal would place greater emphasis on how individual pollutants affect different groups of people. She noted that the dominant pollutant can vary from one city to another, while its health impact may also differ for groups such as pregnant women and children.

The current AQI uses eight major pollutants as parameters: PM10, PM2.5, ozone, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide, carbon monoxide, lead and ammonia. The overall AQI is determined by the highest pollutant sub-index.

Swaminathan does not favour shutting schools

On protecting children from polluted air, Dr Swaminathan said she was not in favour of simply closing schools.

She argued that children from poorer families may continue breathing polluted air at home, while also losing access to education, social interaction and midday meals.

Instead, she suggested making school environments cleaner. Her proposals included installing air purifiers in classrooms, providing pick-and-drop bus facilities and encouraging older children to wear masks when outdoors.

Five measures suggested to tackle pollution

Dr Swaminathan outlined five key measures for addressing the pollution crisis:

  1. Launch a national clean air programme, which she suggested could be called the “Swachh Vaayu Abhiyan”.
  2. Prepare a costed, long-term plan with sustained investment and study lessons from countries such as China.
  3. Establish empowered leadership and accountability for tackling air pollution.
  4. Create a panel of experts to develop a science-based, multi-sectoral and multi-year plan.
  5. Put health at the centre of air pollution policy.

She also supported treating the right to clean air as a basic public health entitlement, linking it to the constitutional right to life.

Dr Swaminathan’s central argument was that air pollution should no longer be treated as a slow-moving or routine environmental problem, but as a serious health crisis requiring sustained action.

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