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Sabarimala Lineup: BJP, Congress Oppose SC Judgement, Communists Uphold It

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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]My own experience of Sabarimala causes me to rub my eyes with disbelief at the spectacle of what poet Niaz Haider called “badsoorat siyasat” not quite the same as ugly politics. I owe my visit to Sabarimala in 1982 entirely to Bob Murari, the distinguished IAS officer of Tamil Nadu cadre who, along with his brothers, undertook the pilgrimage annually to wash off his sins.

Would the faith into which I was born be an obstacle? Not at all, said Bob, quite the contrary. The Sabarimala deity, Lord Ayyappa’s favourite was a Muslim devotee named Vavar Swamy whose shrine, before Ayyappa’s, is visited by most pilgrims. The Murari brothers and I obtained our share of Vibhuti or holy ash from a Muslim priest, his long beard coming virtually upto his navel.

The trek from the base of the hill across Pamba River is through lush forests reverberating to the sound of Vavar Swamy songs sung by Jesudasan. That a pilgrimage so all embracing of religions should be transformed into a battle ground between devotees, the state and the Supreme Court is because of the very special talent for mobilization which is patent to the BJP alone.

Multiple strands harmonized in Sabarimala. But the pilgrimage has been transformed into a cauldron bubbling over with mischief with political intent.

Read More: Kerala Government Not To Ask SC to Review Sabarimala Verdict

The BJP President Amit Shah’s game is straightforward. He is eager to do a Tripura in Kerala. The Tripura results were the biggest shock I had experienced in 50 years of covering politics. I have on my shelf a book “Tripura’s Bravehearts” by B.L. Vohra, former Director General of Police in the state. It is an unbelievable document. Never will you find a decorated police officer shower praise with such enthusiasm on a serving Chief Minister. Vohra’s successor in Agartala took my breath away. He reported a solitary case of domestic violence as the only breach of law and order in the state capital in the past year. The state had the highest rate of literacy. It held a record for implementing central schemes in the shortest possible time. It was a dream government. The greatest achievement of the CPM government over the past 30 years had been the end to the country’s fiercest insurgency. The tribal-non tribal harmony was an architectural achievement. The BJP campaign has excavated along this fault-line, pouring huge sums of money in the process.

This extended narration on Tripura is with one purpose: to demonstrate the BJJP-RSS will be to win against impossible odds. In this case, all means are kosher. Kerala is, by comparison, an easier citadel to conquer because the Congress and the BJP are, on the Sabarimala issue, broadly on the same side. Amit Shah has chastised the Supreme Court for having ruled that young women, whose entry to Sabarimala were banned so far by ancient custom be allowed entry. The State Congress has in fact taken an even tougher stand. Ramesh Chennithala, Congress leader in the Assembly, is insistent that the BJP at the Centre bring in an ordinance to nullify effects of the SC judgement. BJP State President, P.S. Sreedharan Pillai throws up his hands. “It is a state subject – the Centre is helpless unless the State Assembly makes the demand.” His target is the CPM led Front.

Read More: Mohan Bhagwat says Ram temple must be built anyhow, questions Sabarimala verdict

“Rubbish” shouts Chennithala, it is in the concurrent list and does not require the State Assembly’s certificate. The implication is that the BJP government at the Centre is unwilling to open the ordinance route in such matters because the party would then come under pressure to bring ordinance elsewhere – Ram Mandir, for instance.

This one-upmanship on Sabarimala casts both the parties as hardliners, opposed to the Supreme Court directive. The Congress is, in fact, following a folksy, Awadhi saying” “tum daal, daal to hum paat, paat.” (If you climb the branches; I shall climb the leaves). The Congress’s Chennithala says Ayyappa devotees be given the status of a religious sect under article 26, immunized from any legal interference. “My party is with the believers” he asserts.

Since the late K.Karunakaran’s Chief Ministership, the Congress has always been BJP-neutral, largely because its biggest political opponent is the Communist-led Left Front. The BJP never entered the assembly, but it consolidated 0.5 to 1.0 percent vote across the State. Whenever this 1 percent vote was injected into the election process, the Congress-led United Democratic Front generally wins. Margins of victory in Kerala are thin.

The post-Sabarimala bonhomie is in a different context. The scales are different. An aggressive BJP at the Centre has, by sheer will to power, achieved the near impossible in Tripura. It is eager to repeat the performance in Kerala. Even if the BJP takes an electoral dip in the 2019 elections over all, Kerala by itself will be a great trophy. It was the first state in world history that brought Communists to power through the ballot box in 1957. Salvador Allende came to power in Chile democratically much later, in 1972.

While the Congress in Kerala has been tactically soft on the BJP, it has had to fight the BJP tooth and nail in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Diverse experiences institutionalized two broad Congress approaches to the BJP – the Karunakaran model and the Arjun Singh model, shaped by their politics in their respective states.

One of Karunakaran’s great ambitions was to remove any doubts about Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s caste, since his father Feroz Gandhi was a Parsi. He escorted a bare-bodied Rajiv Gandhi several times to the Guruvayoor temple. These visitations must have had the appropriate effect. For this reason, Congress spokesman, Randeep Surjewala, was able to assert in the course of the Gujarat campaign that Congress President Rahul Gandhi is a Janeudhari (Thread wearing) Hindu, which means a Brahmin. Rumors are now afoot that itinerary for Rahul Gandhi is in the works to enable him to undertake the pilgrimage to Lord Ayyappa’s shrine in Sabarimala when the temple opens in November. Who knows the BJP may field Modi in the spirit of competitive piety.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Chandrashekhar Azad to be CM candidate of alliance with Owaisi for Uttar Pradesh elections

Asaduddin Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, bringing together the AIMIM and Azad Samaj Party in an effort to consolidate Dalit and Muslim voters.

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Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, seeking to emerge as a third political force and draw support from sections of Muslim and Dalit voters.

As part of the alliance, Owaisi declared Chandrashekhar Azad as the alliance’s Chief Ministerial face for the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

Owaisi had been seeking a place in the Opposition alliance for months and had even issued ultimatums to the Samajwadi Party and Congress. However, his efforts did not find takers.

The alliance brings together AIMIM’s focus on Muslim political representation and the Azad Samaj Party’s outreach among Dalit voters. Both parties are seeking to establish a political formation outside the BJP-led NDA and the Samajwadi Party-led opposition.

Why Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad joined hands

Uttar Pradesh AIMIM president Shaukat Ali said the party approached Chandrashekhar Azad after its efforts to reach an understanding with the Samajwadi Party, Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party did not succeed.

Ali said AIMIM wanted a broader alliance to prevent the BJP from returning to power in Uttar Pradesh for a third consecutive term.

He also criticised the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance, questioning its prospects in the next Assembly elections.

Chandrashekhar Azad, the Lok Sabha MP from Nagina, said the partnership would focus on empowering young people, farmers and weaker sections of society.

He also raised concerns over employment opportunities, demonetisation and issues affecting educated youth from Dalit and backward communities.

What the alliance means for Akhilesh Yadav’s PDA strategy

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has used the PDA formulation to bring together backward classes, Dalits and minorities. The AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance is seeking support among two important sections of this broader social grouping.

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

What the parties’ previous election performance shows

Both AIMIM and the Azad Samaj Party have struggled to establish a significant presence in Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

In the 2022 Assembly elections, AIMIM contested more than 90 seats but secured less than 0.5 per cent of the total votes. The Azad Samaj Party contested more than 100 seats and received approximately 0.13 per cent of the votes.

Chandrashekhar Azad, however, won the Nagina Lok Sabha constituency in 2024, giving his party its first elected representative in Parliament.

The alliance is now attempting to combine AIMIM’s support among sections of Muslim voters with Azad’s outreach among Dalit communities.

Its electoral prospects will depend on the seat-sharing arrangement, local leadership and whether the two parties can translate their combined social outreach into electoral support.

SP leaders respond to the alliance

Samajwadi Party MP from Ayodhya, Awadhesh Prasad, dismissed the electoral significance of the AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance. He said that people in Uttar Pradesh had lost faith in the BJP government and described Akhilesh Yadav as the only leader capable of removing the BJP from power in 2027.

The alliance’s formation could therefore become an important factor in the political discussions ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections, particularly because both leaders are seeking support among communities that the Samajwadi Party also hopes to bring together through its PDA formulation.

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Mother Dairy raises milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12

Mother Dairy has increased milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12. Full cream milk will now cost Rs 76 per litre, while toned milk will be priced at Rs 62.

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Mother Dairy has increased the prices of its liquid milk variants by Rs 2 to Rs 4 per litre, with the revised rates coming into effect from Thursday, November 12. The price revision will affect consumers in the Delhi-NCR market, where the dairy company is a major milk supplier.

The increase comes amid rising input costs, particularly higher procurement prices paid to farmers. According to sources, the company has decided to pass on part of the additional cost to consumers.

A spokesperson for Mother Dairy declined to comment on the latest price revision.

Check new Mother Dairy milk prices

The revised rates cover several liquid milk variants sold in the NCR market. Full cream milk has seen the highest increase of Rs 4 per litre.

Here are the revised prices:

Milk variantOld priceNew price
Toned milk (bulk vended)Rs 58Rs 60
Full cream milk (pouched)Rs 72Rs 76
Toned milk (pouched)Rs 60Rs 62
Double toned milkRs 54Rs 56
Cow milkRs 62Rs 65

The new prices will be applicable from November 12.

Why Mother Dairy has increased milk prices

The latest revision follows an increase in the procurement prices of milk from farmers. Sources said the higher procurement costs have prompted Mother Dairy to partly transfer the additional input expenses to consumers.

The company passes on around 75-80 per cent of its milk sales realisation to farmers.

Mother Dairy had last increased milk prices on May 14, 2026. Before that, its previous price revision took place in April 2025.

Mother Dairy’s daily milk sales

Mother Dairy sells approximately 35 lakh litres of milk every day in the Delhi-NCR market through its own outlets, general trade channels and e-commerce platforms.

Its overall daily milk sales exceed 50 lakh litres.

The company recorded a 17 per cent increase in turnover to Rs 20,300 crore in the last financial year. The growth was supported by improved demand for its milk products and cooking oils.

About Mother Dairy

Commissioned in 1974, Mother Dairy is a wholly owned subsidiary of the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB).

The company sells milk and milk products under the Mother Dairy brand. It markets edible oils under the Dhara brand, while fresh fruits and vegetables, frozen vegetables, snacks, pulps and concentrates are sold under the Safal brand.

Mother Dairy operates nine milk processing plants and four horticulture processing plants. Its edible oil operations are supported by 16 associated plants.

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Air pollution as big a health emergency as COVID, says former WHO chief Soumya Swaminathan

Former WHO Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan said air pollution should be treated with the same urgency as COVID, highlighting its effects on children, pregnancy and multiple organs.

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Air pollution should be treated as a major public health emergency requiring an urgent and coordinated response, former World Health Organisation (WHO) Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan has said.

In an exclusive interview, Dr Swaminathan compared the scale of the air pollution health crisis with COVID and said its effects can extend across the body, including the brain, lungs and cardiovascular system. She also highlighted links between pollution exposure and conditions such as asthma and diabetes.

Why air pollution needs a COVID-like response

Dr Swaminathan said COVID triggered an immediate public response because it was sudden, visible and associated with an unknown virus. Air pollution, by contrast, is often less visible and its effects accumulate over time.

She said people may become accustomed to pollution because it is not always visible, particularly outside the winter months. But she stressed that prolonged exposure can still cause serious health damage.

She called for the issue to receive an “equal, urgent, coordinated and scientific” response, similar to the approach taken during the COVID crisis.

PM2.5 poses risks from pregnancy to childhood

Dr Swaminathan also highlighted concerns about exposure to fine particulate matter, particularly PM2.5, among pregnant women and children.

According to her, these tiny particles can enter the lungs and bloodstream and may also reach the placenta. She pointed to higher rates of premature births and low birth weight among babies born in areas where mothers are exposed to high levels of air pollution.

She also said children are particularly vulnerable because their brains and other organs are developing rapidly. Children breathe faster than adults, and those growing up in heavily polluted areas can have smaller lungs, she said.

Why AQI may not tell the full health story

Dr Swaminathan suggested moving beyond the conventional Air Quality Index (AQI) towards an Air Quality Health Index (AHQI).

The proposal would place greater emphasis on how individual pollutants affect different groups of people. She noted that the dominant pollutant can vary from one city to another, while its health impact may also differ for groups such as pregnant women and children.

The current AQI uses eight major pollutants as parameters: PM10, PM2.5, ozone, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide, carbon monoxide, lead and ammonia. The overall AQI is determined by the highest pollutant sub-index.

Swaminathan does not favour shutting schools

On protecting children from polluted air, Dr Swaminathan said she was not in favour of simply closing schools.

She argued that children from poorer families may continue breathing polluted air at home, while also losing access to education, social interaction and midday meals.

Instead, she suggested making school environments cleaner. Her proposals included installing air purifiers in classrooms, providing pick-and-drop bus facilities and encouraging older children to wear masks when outdoors.

Five measures suggested to tackle pollution

Dr Swaminathan outlined five key measures for addressing the pollution crisis:

  1. Launch a national clean air programme, which she suggested could be called the “Swachh Vaayu Abhiyan”.
  2. Prepare a costed, long-term plan with sustained investment and study lessons from countries such as China.
  3. Establish empowered leadership and accountability for tackling air pollution.
  4. Create a panel of experts to develop a science-based, multi-sectoral and multi-year plan.
  5. Put health at the centre of air pollution policy.

She also supported treating the right to clean air as a basic public health entitlement, linking it to the constitutional right to life.

Dr Swaminathan’s central argument was that air pollution should no longer be treated as a slow-moving or routine environmental problem, but as a serious health crisis requiring sustained action.

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