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Meeting Deng Xiaoping on Rajiv Gandhi’s history-making visit to China

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L-R: Deng-xiaoping, Mao, Xi

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Mao, Deng and now Xi Jinping. Three of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history. It was Deng Xiaoping who paved the way for Xi to become as dominant a force as he himself was. Dilip Bobb recounts a memorable meeting with Deng in Beijing.

The just-concluded Congress of the Communist Party of China has cemented President Xi Jinping’s place in history as the most powerful leader of the country since Deng Xiaoping.  It signposts the end of the Deng Xiaoping era and the beginning of the New Era led by Xi. For veterans like me who were privileged to have an audience with Deng, it brings back memories of the iconic status he enjoyed and the roadmap he laid out which has led to China – and Xi – being where they are at this inflection point in history.

I met the legendary revolutionary on a freezing January morning in 1989 as part of the media delegation accompanying then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi on his history-making visit to China. Being bundled up in layers of wool and thermal, heavy boots and woolen caps covering most of the face, left very little scope for individuality. Luckily, the meeting between Deng and Rajiv followed by a brief reception-line encounter with us lowly scribes was held in the Great Hall of the People, the massive building at one end of Tiananmen Square in Beijing, which had central heating. Chinese officials had briefed us on protocol, distance to be maintained (no handshakes, just a bow or a namaste) and other restrictions to do with his advanced age –he was 84. The briefing and the reverence in their voices when mentioning the ‘Paramount Leader’ made it seem like we were being given an audience with God. In communist, hence atheist, China, Deng was as close to God as anyone could get. His advanced age meant he still had the authority but had become more of a father figure with little official responsibility in the day-to-day affairs of the country.

Still, the veneration and respect with which he was regarded in China had added considerable hype and expectation to the first handshake between an Indian prime minister and the unquestioned leader of China on a bilateral visit. Nehru and Mao had a finger-wagging meeting, but at the Bandung conference in 1954. Since 1961, relations between India and China had been even more frigid than that January morning in Beijing. The Rajiv-Deng meeting represented the potential for a historic breakthrough, or, at the very least, a breach in the Great Wall. There was a discernible sense of history in the making when the two delegations gathered at opposite ends of the ornate and cavernous Great Hall. Rajiv and his official delegation had entered and waited for the Paramount Leader. We, the media clutch, were herded into a corner but with a clear view of the proceedings. Then Deng emerged, disappointingly frail and wizened, but the air of authority around him was unmistakable. The two leaders walked slowly towards each other, Rajiv on his own, while Deng had two aides on either side.    

If Rajiv deserves credit for taking the gamble of flying blind to Beijing, it was the all-powerful Deng who orchestrated the turning point during his emotion-charged meeting with Rajiv, a man half his age. The tension in the air was almost touchable as the two leaders converged. Deng, the famous pudding face animated by a twinkle in the eyes, shuffled forward, then stopped, realising Rajiv was still some distance away. The make-or-break enormity of the occasion was reflected in Rajiv’s body language as he moved hesitantly forward, exuding a certain nervousness. Throughout the three-minute-long handshake, he remained unsure and overawed, answering in monosyllables as Deng rambled into reminiscence. In China, however, symbols and semantics are infinitely more important than official declarations. Deng’s opening remarks welcoming his “young friend” and suggesting they “forget the past” was an overt indication that he was literally holding out a hand of friendship. And the next few minutes of their meeting was broadcast through loudspeakers, not so much for the benefit of the world media as for China’s one billion people.

The fact that he spent 90 minutes with Rajiv discussing the changing international scenario and his vision of the balance of power was another signal. A semi-recluse, Deng rarely spends over 30 minutes with visiting leaders. Thus, without actually saying so, Deng was giving his blessings to a burial of the past and the start of another Long March towards normalisation of Sino-Indian relations. After that meet, my brief encounter with Deng was an anti-climax. We shuffled forward in a line, each person pausing for a few seconds to greet the man we had only read about in history books. He would look you in the eye, nod slightly as you were introduced, and then you made way for the next in line. His hands were frail and trembled slightly so the no-handshake rule was logical. Yet, walking away, one could not shrug off the feeling of having just been part of history, even if it was a bit part. Looking back, it is clearer to see the roadmap that Deng left for his successor (Xi was then a regional party chief in Fujian). Deng would die in 1997 but by the time we met him, he had already laid out the essential action plan for China which had just come through the disastrous Cultural Revolution. Called the 24 character strategy, the plan enjoined the Chinese to “observe calmly, secure our position, cope with affairs calmly, hide our capacities, bide our time, be good at maintaining a low profile, never claim leadership.” In other words, China should focus on transforming its economy and keep a low profile in international politics. Towards this end, he advocated the Four Modernisations – of agriculture, industry, science and technology and defence. China adhered to these guidelines with spectacular results and catapulted the opportunistic Xi Jinping to a position where he is now part of the Great Triumvirate of China. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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US KC-135 refuelling aircraft crashes in Iraq amid ongoing Iran war

A US KC-135 refuelling aircraft crashed in western Iraq during the ongoing Iran war, marking the fourth American aircraft lost in the conflict, according to the US military.

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us millitary aircraft crash

The United States military has confirmed that one of its aerial refuelling aircraft crashed in western Iraq, marking the fourth American aircraft lost since the start of the current conflict involving Iran.

According to a statement issued by United States Central Command (CENTCOM), the incident involved a Boeing KC-135 Stratotanker. The military said one aircraft went down in western Iraq, while another aircraft linked to the situation was able to land safely.

CENTCOM clarified that the crash was not the result of hostile fire or friendly fire, though details about the cause of the incident have not yet been disclosed.

Fourth US aircraft lost in the conflict

The crash makes the KC-135 the fourth American military aircraft lost since the beginning of the war in the Middle East, which started on February 28.

Earlier in the conflict, three McDonnell Douglas F-15E Strike Eagle fighter jets were mistakenly shot down by forces from Kuwait in what the US military described as friendly fire. Despite the loss of the aircraft, all six crew members from those jets managed to eject safely.

CENTCOM had earlier said the incident happened during intense combat operations that included attacks from Iranian aircraft as well as ballistic missiles and drones.

KC-135 aircraft and crew details

The KC-135 aerial refuelling aircraft has been in service for more than six decades and plays a key role in extending the range and endurance of US military aircraft during operations.

Typically, the aircraft operates with a three-member crew, consisting of a pilot, a co-pilot and a boom operator responsible for refuelling other aircraft mid-air. However, certain missions may require a navigator, and the aircraft can carry up to 37 passengers, according to information provided by the US Air Force.

Authorities have not yet released information about the crew involved in the latest crash or whether there were casualties.

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Mojtaba Khamenei named Iran’s new supreme leader after death of Ali Khamenei

Iran’s Assembly of Experts has selected Mojtaba Khamenei as the country’s new supreme leader following the death of Ali Khamenei amid escalating regional conflict.

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Mojtaba

Mojtaba Khamenei has been appointed the new Supreme Leader of Iran, replacing his father Ali Khamenei, according to state media reports.

The decision was taken by the Assembly of Experts, an 88-member council responsible for selecting the country’s supreme leader. The body said it had chosen Mojtaba Khamenei through a decisive vote, naming him the third leader of the Islamic Republic.

Mojtaba Khamenei, a mid-ranking cleric with strong connections within Iran’s security establishment, had long been seen as a potential successor to his father. His influence within the powerful Revolutionary Guards and networks associated with his father’s office had made him a prominent figure in Iran’s political structure.

His appointment comes amid a sharp escalation in tensions in the region. Ali Khamenei was reportedly killed in strikes carried out during the ongoing conflict involving Iran, the United States and Israel. The situation has led to rising hostilities and military exchanges in recent days.

The role of supreme leader in Iran carries ultimate authority over key state institutions, including the military, judiciary and major political decisions.

The development may further strain relations between Tehran and Washington. Donald Trump recently said the United States should have a say in who leads Iran, a remark likely to draw criticism from Iranian authorities.

Meanwhile, fighting linked to the conflict has continued across the region. Strikes targeting infrastructure in Tehran have caused fires at fuel facilities, sending thick smoke into the sky and raising environmental concerns.

Iranian officials have condemned the attacks as dangerous escalation, while Israeli authorities have defended the strikes, saying the targeted facilities were connected to Iran’s military operations.

As the conflict continues, Iran’s new leadership now faces the challenge of navigating both internal political pressures and rising regional tensions.

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India says it never depended on permission to import Russian oil

India says it continues to import Russian oil based on competitive pricing and national interest, while energy supplies remain stable despite global tensions.

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India on Saturday reiterated that it has never relied on permission from any country to purchase Russian oil, even as the United States recently issued a temporary waiver allowing certain shipments to continue.

The Centre said India’s energy strategy remains focused on securing crude oil at the most competitive prices while maintaining stable supplies despite rising tensions in global shipping routes.

India continues Russian oil imports

According to the government, India continues to import Russian crude and has done so consistently throughout the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

Officials said Russia remains India’s largest crude oil supplier, with imports rising significantly after 2022 due to discounted prices and the demand from domestic refineries.

“India has never depended on permission from any country to buy Russian oil,” the Centre said in a statement, adding that purchases are based on affordability and national interest.

Energy supplies remain secure

The government said India’s energy supply remains stable despite disruptions along the Strait of Hormuz route amid tensions linked to the Iran-US-Israel conflict.

To strengthen energy security, India has expanded its crude oil sourcing network from 27 countries to 40 countries, creating multiple supply options.

The Centre also said the country currently holds more than 250 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum products across its reserves and supply chain. This stockpile provides a buffer equivalent to around seven to eight weeks of consumption.

India’s refining capacity stands at 258 million metric tonnes per annum, which the government said exceeds current domestic demand.

US waiver and global oil market volatility

The United States on Thursday temporarily eased sanctions on Russia to allow oil already loaded on vessels at sea to be sold to India.

Officials in New Delhi said describing the waiver as enabling such purchases overlooks the fact that the trade has continued for years.

“India is a net exporter of refined products to the world — a position that reinforces, not undermines, its energy security,” the Centre said.

Meanwhile, tensions in the Middle East have affected global oil markets. Military actions involving the United States and Israel against Iran, along with retaliatory strikes by Tehran across the Gulf region, have disrupted shipping routes and energy flows.

Global oil prices surged 8.5 per cent on Friday and had climbed nearly 30 per cent over the previous week, following remarks by US President Donald Trump that the conflict would end only with Iran’s “unconditional surrender”.

Earlier in February, Washington removed a 25 per cent tariff on Indian exports under an interim trade agreement. The US administration said the decision followed a commitment by India to halt Russian oil purchases. However, no such commitment appears in the joint statement issued at the time, and the Indian government has not confirmed or denied the claim.

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