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Will Bhutanese Low-Cost Labour Lose Thankless Jobs Under Trump’s Watch?

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Will Bhutanese Low-Cost Labour Lose Thankless Jobs Under Donald Trump’s Watch?

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Many low-wage industries depend heavily on migrants from the world’s hotspots, secured through refugee programs as well as other means. American business fears the tap will shut soon.

The Bhutanese were only the latest crop of foreign labor to stand on Case Farms’ chicken lines, slicing breasts and wings for fast-food restaurants and grocery stores across the country. For decades, the company had largely relied on Mayan immigrants fleeing violence in Guatemala, many of whom were not allowed to work in the United States. Case Farms’ history with the Mayans reveals how U.S. companies subvert immigration laws to take advantage of undocumented immigrants, but it also illustrates a broader — and perhaps underappreciated — truth about the American economy: So much of it depends on a never-ending global scramble for low-skilled labor.

President Donald Trump rode into office vowing to restrict the flow of refugees and unauthorized immigrants. The rhetoric played well among Rust Belt voters who had seen their industries decline just as Latino immigrants began arriving to take jobs they didn’t want, seemingly transforming the towns they used to know. But Trump’s efforts to make good on those promises could substantially disrupt the companies that provide America’s food, build its homes, and supply workers to clean hotels and office buildings and unload shipping containers for retail stores.

Just as technology firms and hospitals have come to rely on high-skilled immigrants secured through visa programs, low-wage industries depend heavily on migrants from the world’s hotspots, secured through refugee programs as well as other means. That reliance has prompted some of the nation’s meatpackers to fear that under Trump the global marketplace may shut down, resulting in labor shortages that, they say, will drive up prices and reduce food supplies. “A legal immigration system that works is the best way to address illegal immigration,” Cargill chief executive David MacLennan wrote recently. “We must not close our minds or our borders.”

Poultry and meatpacking companies have long drawn labor from the bottom rung of society. Jurgis Rudkus, the hero of Upton Sinclair’s “The Jungle” was a new Lithuanian immigrant. As processing plants moved out of union-heavy cities closer to farms, they relied on poor, rural whites and, after the country desegregated, African Americans. By 2006, 46 percent of meat and poultry processing workers were Hispanic. In recent years, slaughterhouses have turned to refugees, from Bosnians in Iowa to Somalis in Kansas. Tyson Foods is based in Springdale, Arkansas, which has become home to thousands from the Marshall Islands who hold special status because of nuclear weapons testing during the Cold War.

Case Farms managers told ProPublica they are careful to follow immigration law and say they treat workers properly, wherever they are from.

When Case Farms started in Winesburg in 1986, it mostly employed young Amish women, but they left as the company expanded and hired workers from Rust Belt cities nearby. Its second plant in Morganton, North Carolina, also had trouble staffing its lines. At the time, manufacturing was thriving in the Southeast and the white and African-American workers the company had employed — even the Hmong refugees who settled there after the Vietnam War — left for better-paying jobs at local furniture factories.

President Donald Trump rode into office vowing to restrict the flow of refugees and unauthorized immigrants. The rhetoric played well among Rust Belt voters who had seen their industries decline just as Latino immigrants began arriving to take jobs they didn’t want, seemingly transforming the towns they used to know.

So Case Farms joined others in the industry in a search for Latino workers, recruiting along the Texas border and in farm labor towns in Florida. The number of Latinos working in the poultry and meatpacking industry grew exponentially in the 1990s. The North American Free Trade Agreement played a role by eliminating steep agricultural tariffs, which caused chicken exports to Mexico to more than sextuple and, according to some critics, devastated Mexican farmers, leading many to seek work across the border.

Case Farms eventually found the Mayans, who began settling in Morganton in the early 1990s, and a few years later started arriving around Winesburg. Case Farms recruited many of them directly from Florida, but a Guatemalan pastor I met in Ohio said the company gave him a 15-passenger van to transport immigrants from its plant in Morganton to work at its plant in Ohio. The recruitment and migrant stream that followed turned Rust Belt cities in the Appalachian foothills into immigrant gateways that now claim some of the largest populations of Awakateko and Ixil speakers in the United States.

As the Mayan workers gained strength, eventually unionizing and going on strike, the company recruited a series of immigrant groups — Cubans, Romanians, Chinese, North Africans and Burmese — seemingly pitting immigrant communities against each other.

In one instance, some employees told the National Labor Relations Board that the human resources manager promised Case Farms would give everyone a raise if they could help him get the newcomers to sign papers decertifying the union, which was led by Guatemalans. The Burmese initially refused through a translator, one employee said. So the employee and a colleague waited until the translator left and explained the deal to a new worker who spoke a little English. “She asked me, ‘Oh, more money?’” the woman told the NLRB. “And I said, ‘Yes, more money.’ Afterward, she said something in her language to the rest and everyone signed the little pieces of paper to get rid of the union.”

The Burmese didn’t last long, and for a while, it seemed the Bhutanese might not either.

The Bhutanese began arriving in Akron in 2008, settling in a neighborhood that had been home to Italian and Polish immigrants before them. They had been living in U.N. camps in Nepal since the early 1990s, when the small kingdom of Bhutan in the Himalayas began expelling tens of thousands of ethnic Nepalis, viewing them as a threat.

Manorath Khanal works at Case Farms in human resources and has recruited scores of Bhutanese to work there. I met him at his apartment in Cuyahoga Falls. It was the end of the Hindu holiday Diwali and he wore garlands of orange and purple flowers. Khanal, 42, recalled that when he was a teenager in Bhutan, soldiers entered his village and began arresting people, who were never seen again. One night at midnight, his family fled, crossing the swollen rivers near the border in India, and got into the back of a big truck that took them to Nepal.

He became a leader in the refugee camp and helped negotiate resettlement in the United States. Eventually, Khanal was flown to Phoenix, where he worked cleaning airplanes, before moving in 2012 to Ohio, where Case Farms hired him as a trainer in Winesburg. There weren’t many Bhutanese in the plant at the time, and retention was bad. Khanal told me he was brought in to help the company communicate with the Bhutanese workers and address concerns. “We don’t have enough good supervisors on the production floor,” Khanal said. “They hardly understand what is the meaning of being human, what is humanity, what is respect, what is motivation.”

Manorath Khanal works at Case Farms in human resources and has recruited scores of Bhutanese to work there. I met him at his apartment in Cuyahoga Falls. It was the end of the Hindu holiday Diwali and he wore garlands of orange and purple flowers. Khanal, 42, recalled that when he was a teenager in Bhutan, soldiers entered his village and began arresting people, who were never seen again.

As the labor market and the flow of immigrants have tightened, Case Farms appears to be making an effort to hold on to the ones it has. The company now gives workers a day off for Diwali. It helps underwrite the Bhutanese association’s office in Akron as well as an annual cultural celebration and soccer tournament. At the national convention of Bhutanese organizations in 2013, two of the three speakers on the entrepreneurship panel were from Case Farms. Conditions are improving, Khanal said, but workers tell him they’re treated differently when he’s not there.

A Bhutanese human resources assistant named Upendra Luitel said some things the company does make him uncomfortable. “Most of the employees, they are having some kind of hurt in their hands,” he said. Yet workers have to pay to replace wet gloves, he said, even though the moisture makes their hands cold, increasing the pain. Last year, Luitel said, the company started giving disciplinary points to workers who called in sick — even if they had a doctor’s note.

Case Farms said they instituted the rule because workers had abused a more lenient policy regarding absences.

Back at the apartment, Gambhir Rai, the man who lost his finger, showed me how the saw blade severed his left pinkie at the knuckle and skidded over his ring and middle fingers. “At the time, I’m new in everything, I’m new in America,” he said, explaining that he didn’t know what to do after the 2014 accident. Rai, 35, said he received about $4,000 in workers’ compensation for his finger in addition to weekly checks while he was out of work.

He returned to the plant but quit in February, tired of the long commute and what he felt was ill treatment. Rai said many Bhutanese are happy to have the work at Case Farms when they first arrive, figuring they’ll work there for a short time while getting settled. “Anywhere we work, we love to do our job, we work hard,” he said. “Everybody worries about the job and the future.”

Rai now works at an auto parts warehouse in Akron, which has begun hiring in the Bhutanese community. It’s much different than Case Farms, he said, raising the question — as many worker advocates do — whether the low-wage labor shortage stems from a lack of refugees or simply a lack of respect. “They don’t say, ‘You’re not working this way. You’re not doing good,’” he said. “I get the response, ‘You’re a good worker. You’re a hard worker. You’ve done a lot.’ At Case Farms, I never get like that.”

                                                                                                                           —Courtesy: ProPublica

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Nightclub roof collapse in Dominican Republic: Toll crosses 114

As concrete slabs crashed down, more than 114 people were killed, and many others were trapped on a packed dance floor where attendees were enthusiastically enjoying a merengue concert early Tuesday morning. Authorities reported over 255 injuries.

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The iconic Jet Set nightclub in Santo Domingo was bustling with musicians, athletes, and government officials when debris began to fall from the ceiling, landing in patrons’ drinks.

Tragedy struck with the collapse of the entire roof, claiming the lives of at least 98 individuals and injuring around 160 in one of the worst nightclub disasters in the Dominican Republic’s history. As concrete slabs crashed down, more than 114 people were killed, and many others were trapped on a packed dance floor where attendees were enthusiastically enjoying a merengue concert early Tuesday morning. Authorities reported over 255 injuries.

Among the deceased was Rubby Pérez, a beloved merengue star who had been performing just moments before the calamity. His body was recovered early Wednesday, according to emergency operations director Juan Manuel Méndez.

Rescue teams continued to search for survivors more than a day after the incident. “We will remain here as long as there are reports of missing persons,” Méndez stated.

Assistance arrived from rescue teams from Puerto Rico and Israel on Wednesday to aid local officials in their efforts.

As night fell on Tuesday, families and friends still searching for their loved ones gathered outside the club, where a guitarist played soothing melodies while they sang hymns.

Only 32 victims have been identified thus far in what is marked as one of the Dominican Republic’s deadliest disasters. Reports indicate that among the victims were a cardiologist, a government architect, a retired police officer, and the brother of the vice minister of Youth.

Also among the deceased are MLB pitcher Octavio Dotel and Dominican player Tony Enrique Blanco Cabrera, as confirmed by Satosky Terrero, spokesperson for the Professional Baseball League.

Nelsy Cruz, the Governor of Montecristi province and sister of seven-time MLB All-Star Nelson Cruz, informed President Luis Abinader about the disaster. Tragically, she called for help from beneath the rubble but later succumbed to her injuries in a hospital.

Other casualties included saxophonist Luis Solís, who was performing on stage when the roof fell, several Venezuelan bartenders, and an Army officer who left behind four daughters. Grupo Popular, a financial services firm, noted that three of its employees perished, including the president of AFP Popular Bank and his wife. Unfortunately, many more victims remain unidentified.

“I’ve searched all the hospitals and haven’t found her,” lamented Deysi Suriel, who was desperately trying to locate her friend, 61-year-old Milca Curiel, during her vacation in the Dominican Republic.

Numerous anxious relatives flocked to the National Institute of Forensic Pathology to search through lists of victims, while others scoured hospitals, clutching photos of their loved ones.

“There’s a lot of pain,” commented Senator Daniel Rivera, the former public health minister. “We must exercise patience.”

Among those desperately looking for their families was Kimberly Jones, whose godson, 45-year-old artist Osiris Blanc, and his friends were unaccounted for.

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US vs China trade war: Beijing hits back with 84% tariffs after Trump’s 104% import duty

The new tariff rate, set to take effect on April 10, marks a sharp retaliation to Washington’s recent imposition of steep duties on Chinese exports.

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China US trade war

In a bold escalation of the ongoing trade dispute between the world’s two largest economies, China announced on Wednesday, April 9, that it will increase tariffs on all goods imported from the United States to 84 per cent, up from the previously stated 34 per cent.

The new tariff rate, set to take effect on April 10, marks a sharp retaliation to Washington’s recent imposition of steep duties on Chinese exports.

Last week, Beijing signalled its initial response with a 34 per cent tariff on US-origin products, reacting to fresh trade restrictions from the US.

However, following the implementation of a 104 per cent tariff on Chinese imports by the US—effective Wednesday under former President Donald Trump’s policies—China has significantly ratcheted up its countermeasures. This tit-for-tat escalation signals deepening economic tension that could disrupt global trade and supply chains.

The US tariffs, which include a baseline 10 per cent increase rolled out over the weekend and additional levies from February and March, now total a staggering 104 per cent on Chinese goods.

Trump, who returned to the presidency, had initially proposed a 34 per cent tariff hike, but after China responded with its own 34 per cent duty on American products, he vowed to add another 50 percent, bringing the total to its current level.

On Tuesday, Trump claimed that the US was “taking in almost $2 billion a day” from these tariffs, defending his strategy as a means to revive America’s manufacturing sector by forcing companies to relocate domestically.

However, the global economic fallout has been immediate and severe. Since Trump’s baseline tariffs took effect, markets worldwide have experienced dramatic sell-offs, fueling fears of a potential recession. Starting Wednesday, import tariffs from dozens of economies, including major players like India, Brazil, and the European Union, are also rising, compounding the uncertainty.

In China, senior officials, including President Xi Jinping’s top economic advisor, condemned the US moves as “unilateralism, protectionism, and economic coercion.” The advisor emphasized that China’s retaliatory measures are not only to protect its own interests but also to uphold international trade rules.

“Our firm response demonstrates our commitment to defending fairness in global commerce,” he stated, warning that Beijing would fight “to the end” against what it perceives as American aggression.

Trump, meanwhile, remains undeterred, arguing that higher tariffs will pressure companies to shift production back to the US.

During a speech on April 8 at a fundraising gala for House Republicans, he outlined plans to impose major tariffs on the pharmaceutical sector, claiming it would incentivize firms to leave China and other countries. “We’re a very big market, and when they hear about these tariffs, they’ll open plants here,” he said.

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Trump pokes fun at world leaders negotiating US tariffs, says they are dying to make a deal

“We don’t make our own pharma drugs; they’re made in other countries. The same packet that costs a certain price abroad can be priced ten times higher here,” he said.

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During a fundraising gala for House Republicans, US President Donald Trump took a swipe at world leaders eager to negotiate trade deals, mimicking their desperation with a theatrical flourish. “These countries are calling us up, and trying everything,” he quipped, before imitating their pleas: “Please, please, sir, make a deal. I’ll do anything, sir.”

Trump’s remarks, delivered with his signature bravado, underscored his aggressive stance on international trade as he addressed supporters at the event. He also took aim at rebel Republicans who have suggested that Congress should handle trade negotiations instead of the executive branch. “Let me tell you, you don’t negotiate like I negotiate,” he asserted, dismissing their approach with confidence.

The comments came on the heels of escalating trade tensions, particularly with China. Earlier, the White House confirmed that US tariffs on Chinese imports would jump to 104 percent starting Wednesday, April 9.

A White House official told CNBC that the increase would proceed as planned after Trump warned of a potential 50 percent hike unless Beijing lifted its 34 percent retaliatory tariffs on US goods by Tuesday’s deadline. Trump had set a firm noon deadline on Tuesday, emphasizing that China needed to act swiftly to avoid further escalation.

At the gala, Trump also revealed plans to impose significant tariffs on the pharmaceutical sector, arguing that the US relies too heavily on foreign production. “We don’t make our own pharma drugs; they’re made in other countries. The same packet that costs a certain price abroad can be priced ten times higher here,” he said.

“We’re going to tariff pharma in such a way that companies will come rushing to us very soon. The advantage we have is that we’re a massive market. Very shortly, I’ll announce major tariffs on pharma, and when these companies hear that, they’ll leave China and other countries because most of their products are sold here. They’ll start opening plants in the US.”

Trump’s tariff strategy extends beyond China. Earlier this month, he announced new tariffs on imports from countries including India, Brazil, Japan, and the European Union, warning that more measures would follow. These actions have sparked uncertainty among nations and triggered volatility in global financial markets, as countries brace for potential economic repercussions.

The President’s remarks at the gala, which raised funds for House Republicans, reflect his “America First” approach, prioritizing domestic industry and reducing trade deficits. However, his mocking tone and unilateral decisions have drawn criticism from allies and adversaries alike, with some fearing a return to trade wars that could disrupt global economic stability.

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