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Do states have the power to stop implementation of Citizenship Amendment Act?

Five state governments ruled by non-BJP parties — Punjab, West Bengal, Kerala, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh — have assured people they will not implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, saying “the ruling BJP at the Centre is undermining the secular and democratic foundations of the country

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anti-CAA protester

Five state governments ruled by non-BJP parties — Punjab, West Bengal, Kerala, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh — have assured people they will not implement the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, saying “the ruling BJP at the Centre is undermining the secular and democratic foundations of the country”.

However, the states don’t really have a choice as matter of citizenship comes under the Union List.

“The states have no power to refuse implementation of the central law as the power to legislate on the matter lies solely with the Central government,” state Home Ministry on Friday.

The Act seeks to provide Indian citizenship to religiously persecuted Hindus, Parsis, Christians, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan, with a cut-off date of their entry into India on December 31, 2014. Muslims have been excluded from the ambit of the law.

As soon as the Rajya Sabha passed the Bill on Wednesday, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan announced that his government will not implement the amended Citizenship Act. He said the BJP and the Sangh Parivar have used the party’s majority in Parliament to uproot the bedrock of the Constitution.

Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh also said the Act is “unconstitutional and unethical” and his government won’t allow division of people on religious lines through this Act.

Can a state government oppose a central legislation like the Citizenship Act? What is the extent to which it can oppose its implementation?

To get to the answers to these two fundamental questions, we must understand the basic framework of the Constitution and the distribution of legislative powers between the Union and the state.

The constitutional machinery makes India a quasi-federation, and the distribution of powers is an essential feature of federalism. The Indian Constitution, based on the principle of federalism, has a scheme of two-fold distribution of legislative powers — with respect to the territory; and with respect to the subject matter.

Article 245 talks about the distribution of legislative power between Union and State with respect to the territory. While Article 246 read with Seventh Schedule to the Constitution of India defines and specifies the allocation of powers and functions between Union and states with respect to the subject matter.

The Seventh Schedule divides legislative authority between the Union and the States into three lists — the Union List, the State List, and the Concurrent List. The Union List consists of 99 items.

The Union Parliament has exclusive authority to frame laws on subjects enumerated in the list. These include foreign affairs, defence, armed forces, communications, posts and telegraph, foreign trade, etc.

The State List consists of 61 subjects on which ordinarily the states alone can make laws. These include public order, police, administration of justice, prison, local governments, agriculture, etc.

The Concurrent List comprises 52 items, including criminal and civil procedure, marriage and divorce, economic and special planning trade unions, electricity, newspapers, books, education, population control, and family planning, etc. Both the Parliament and the State legislatures can make laws on subjects given in the Concurrent List.

For any law to be implemented, rules and bye-laws are required. The Parliament while drafting a law, just draws the broad contours of the legislation. The Parliament neither has the time nor the technical understanding to foresee the difficulties which may arise in the execution of the law or to meet certain emergency contingencies that necessitate special measures.

Hence, Parliament grants such powers to the executive to supplement the parent Act. This power of delegating the power to legislate to the lower authority is called as subordinate legislation or delegated legislation in the legal parlance.

Delegated legislation refers to all the residuary law-making, which takes place outside the legislature. The delegated legislation comprises rules, regulations, bye-laws, orders, schemes, etc.

The Subordinate legislation can only be framed under a central or state Act if the Act gives rule-making power to the government.

The powers and the extent to which delegated legislation can be made so as not to vitiate the objective and legislative intent of the legislature is provided in the parent Act. After the rules are published, the Parliament is required to scrutinize them within a stipulated time. However, being an important component in law-making, it is not given adequate attention by the Parliament.

The matter of citizenship, naturalization, and aliens are contained in the entry 17 of Union list under the Seventh Schedule. This gives exclusive power to the Parliament to legislate and the Union executive to frame the subordinate or delegated legislation. The states except for accepting the law in the current form as passed by the Parliament, have no other choice.

Section 11 of the Citizenship Rules, 2009 provides that the authority for processing applications for citizenship lies with the district collector under whose jurisdiction the applicant is ordinarily resident. The district collectors are the functionaries of the state government. Once the application for citizenship is received, the district collector is required to verify the veracity of the information provided and forward it to the state government within 60 days.

As per Section 12 (2) of the Citizenship Rules, the state government is required to forward the application with its recommendations and the report of the collector to the Central Government within a period of 30 days from the date of receipt of the report of the collector.

Under the rules, the state government shall complete the entire process within 90 days. It is at this stage of processing the applications under the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019, where the state governments could exercise their “choice” not to process any applications.

Anticipating widespread resistance from citizens and the opposition-ruled states, the Modi government has inserted a new section (Section 6B) in the parent Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019.

Sub-section 1 of Section 6B provides:

“The Central Government or an authority specified by it in this behalf may, subject to such conditions, restrictions, and manner as may be prescribed, on an application made in this behalf, grant a certificate of registration or certificate of naturalization to a person referred to in the proviso to clause (b) of sub-section (1) of section 2.”

Though the Citizenship Act, 1955, allows the Union to frame rule, still the Modi government to circumvent whatever little resistance it may face from the state governments and cement its powers, may amend the rules and remove the district collector as the designated authority to process the applications. So in order to completely eliminate the role of the state government, the central government may establish altogether a new authority to work on its behalf.

Hence, if the Modi government decides to remove the state government’s authority to implement the directives of the Act, the states will virtually have no option to exercise their choice

Entertainment

Kapil Sharma warned by MNS for referring to Mumbai as Bombay on Netflix show

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Bollywood comedian Kapil Sharma has come under the radar of the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) after the use of the term Bombay instead of Mumbai on his Netflix show The Great Indian Kapil Show. MNS spokesperson Ameya Khopkar issued a warning, stating that the usage of the city’s former name could hurt the sentiments of its residents and demanded that the correct name, Mumbai, be used.

The controversy arose during an episode featuring actress Huma Qureshi, her brother Saqib Saleem, and the Shetty sisters. While talking about her bond with Saqib, Qureshi referred to the city as Bombay, explaining that she felt at home with him despite not being originally from the city. This comment drew criticism from the MNS, who have historically been vocal about protecting the identity and pride of Mumbai.

In a post on X, Khopkar stated in Marathi, that even though 30 years have passed since Bombay was officially renamed Mumbai, the term Bombay is still frequently used by celebrity guests on The Kapil Sharma Show, Delhi-based Rajya Sabha MPs, show anchors, and in many Hindi films. He noted that the name change was officially recognized by the Maharashtra government in 1995 and by the Central Government in 1996, preceding similar renamings in other major cities such as Chennai, Bengaluru, and Kolkata.

Khopkar further emphasized the seriousness of the matter during a media interaction in Mumbai. He stated that Sharma had been working in Mumbai for many years and described the city as his land of work. He added that the people of Mumbai admire him and watch his shows, and warned that the city and its residents should not be insulted, cautioning Sharma against repeating the mistake.

He added that if the reference had been made unintentionally, the mistake should be corrected immediately. Khopkar stated that all guests on the show, including celebrities and the host, should be informed in advance to refer to the city as Mumbai. He warned that if this is not followed, the MNS would launch a strong agitation.

The Great Indian Kapil Show has recently been renewed for a third season. Its first two seasons, comprising 13 episodes each, premiered in 2024, featuring a mix of Bollywood celebrities and entertainers. The controversy marks one of the few instances where the city’s political groups have publicly intervened over the naming of Mumbai on popular entertainment platforms.

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Latest News

Indian-origin motel manager beheaded in the US

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In a horrifying incident in Dallas, Texas, an Indian-origin motel manager, Chandra Nagamallaiah, was brutally beheaded by a guest following an argument over a malfunctioning washing machine. The gruesome attack was carried out by 37-year-old Yordanis Cobos-Martinez in front of Nagamallaiah’s wife and children, leaving the family traumatized.

According to court records and affidavits, the confrontation began when Nagamallaiah reportedly told Cobos-Martinez not to use a broken washing machine at the Downtown Suites motel. The suspect became enraged, partly because the manager relied on a woman present for translation instead of speaking directly to him. Surveillance footage later revealed Cobos-Martinez producing a machete and repeatedly stabbing and cutting Nagamallaiah, despite the efforts of his wife and child to intervene.

The affidavit details that the victim tried to flee to the motel’s front office while screaming for help, but the attacker followed him and continued the assault. Cobos-Martinez removed Nagamallaiah’s key card and cellphone before ultimately beheading him. Disturbing footage reportedly shows the suspect kicking the severed head across the ground before throwing it into a trash bin.

Cobos-Martinez, a Cuban national with a long criminal history, including convictions for grand theft, carjacking, false imprisonment, and sexual offenses, was arrested shortly after the attack. Authorities found him a block away wearing a blood-soaked T-shirt, along with the victim’s key card and cellphone. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) officials noted that Cobos-Martinez should not have been in the country at the time, as previous attempts to deport him to Cuba were unsuccessful due to his criminal record.

The Department of Homeland Security described the beheading as unthinkable and stated that the case highlights the critical need for strict immigration enforcement. A witness to the attack told NBC DFW that they could not explain what they saw, describing the suspect as appearing there and not there at the same time, emphasizing the surreal and terrifying nature of the crime.

This shocking incident has left the Dallas community and Nagamallaiah’s family in deep distress, as authorities continue their investigation into the motive and circumstances surrounding the brutal murder.

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India News

AAP MP Sanjay Singh accuses J&K authorities of house arrest, Farooq Abdullah condemns move

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Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) MP Sanjay Singh on Thursday accused Jammu and Kashmir Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha of placing him under house arrest while he was in Srinagar to protest the detention of the party’s sole J&K MLA, Mehraj Malik.

Singh climbed the gate of a government guest house in Srinagar to meet National Conference (NC) chief Farooq Abdullah and later shared visuals of the interaction on social media. He said it was a very sad thing that Abdullah, who has served multiple terms as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, came to meet him at the guest house after learning about his alleged house arrest but was not allowed to do so. Singh further questioned the authorities’ actions, asking whether if this is not dictatorship, then what it is.

Malik, the MLA from Doda Assembly seat, has been detained under the Public Safety Act (PSA) on charges of disturbing public order. This marks the first instance of a sitting lawmaker being booked under the PSA, which allows authorities to detain individuals without charge or trial for up to two years. Singh alleged that Mr. Malik’s detention was retaliation for raising people’s issues in his constituency.

Abdullah also condemned the attempts to stop Singh from holding his protest. In a statement to news agency ANI, he said that preventing Singh from exercising his right to protest was absolutely wrong and accused the Lieutenant Governor Sinha of misusing his powers. He stressed that the right to protest is guaranteed by the Constitution of India, noting that Jammu and Kashmir being a union territory gives the LG significant authority, which, according to him, was being used for the wrong purposes. Abdullah questioned whether it was necessary to prevent Singh from speaking and asserted that this is not an autocracy, there is a constitution here.

Abdullah drew parallels with the recent unrest in Nepal, where protests led to the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, and cautioned that India must safeguard its Constitution to prevent similar circumstances. He urged the LG to uphold constitutional principles, warning that failure to do so could risk unrest, and emphasized the need to take care of the Constitution before such a fire breaks out in the country.

Other opposition leaders, including AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut, also expressed concern over the move, condemning what they described as an infringement on democratic rights.

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