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UP’s psychedelic play of castes

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It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide.

There is visible desperation in Akhilesh Yadav reaching out to Congress

Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

Tactics are very important, and battles need to be won if the war is to be won. Seen from this point of view, the Samajwadi Party (SP) led by Akhilesh Yadav, the Gen-Next leader of the party and the Congress, unofficially led by Nehru-Gandhi Gen-Next, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra, agreeing to be poll partners in the February-March assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh sounds practical and pragmatic. The SP under patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav has been an eminently anti-Congress party, which was seen as the face of upper caste domination in the caste-riven state. But times change, and so do generations. It is legitimate for both SP and Congress to reboot their agendas as it were, and to find commonalities in place of the earlier divergences and opposition.

It is possible that Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi/Priyanka Vadra may want to sit and rethink their priorities, and bring about a political alliance between the Yadav-dominant Other Backward Class/Caste (OBC) SP and the so-called upper caste/upper crust base of the Congress. Of course, the two sides are in fact looking to the nearly 19 per cent Muslim vote, which goes under the neutral term of “minorities”. The other major group in the state’s hierarchical social/caste stratification is that of Dalits, who form a solid bloc under the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati.

The SP, the BSP and the Congress, as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), adopt the politically correct stance that they do not recognize caste divisions, and that they appeal to all social segments, that is caste segments. That is why, BSP gives enough seats to Muslims and Brahmins, and the SP gives a nod to Dalit presence. The Congress is looking to the Dalits and the Muslims, apart from the upper castes led by Brahmins and Rajputs. The BJP pretends as though Muslims do not exist while it tries to woo the Dalits, the Most Backward Classes/Castes (MBCs) and the upper castes. The caste combinations in the political calculus of each party make for a nice psychedelic graphic mix.

It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus, cutting across caste— upper, middle, backward, oppressed—lines, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. But the BJP will be hard put to enthuse the different segments of the Hindu society as one because the idea of Ram temple in Ayodhya does not enthuse the majority community. The BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants to shed its “brahminical” cultural affiliation and reach out to other caste groups, willing to risk losing its upper caste base. It was the BJP tidal wave that swept all before it in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, and it seems to have traumatised the SP and the Congress, if not the BSP.

But the best laid plans of all the parties might go awry. Brahmins may not go with the BJP, BSP or the Congress. But it cannot be the case. They have to choose one among the three. The Brahmins can hope to be part of the power structure in a SP-Congress alliance, and the Dalits too can base their choice by voting for the alliance. Similarly, Muslims will have to choose from among the SP, BSP and the Congress. Psephologists and political realists describe these choices under the rubric of “tactical voting”.

Idealists are sure to be saddened by the caste battle lines and would be asking whether Uttar Pradesh can break out of the caste crucible. The truth might be that a significant number of people, especially the youth, might be opting out of the caste mould and voting for parties and candidates who lie beyond. It appears that something of this kind might have happened in the state during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, when quite a large number of people did not vote along caste lines and therefore voted with an open mind, willing to give the BJP under Modi to govern at the centre. Will they be willing to do the same in an assembly election which means changing power equations nearer home?

The SP and the Congress would want to pre-empt the out-of-the-(caste)-box voting choice of the Muslims especially. But it would seem that the Muslim youth have a mind of their own, and they are not willing to vote on the jaded issue of secularism vs communalism. Their demands are different, and it is for economic opportunity. If they refuse to vote for Modi and the BJP, it will not be because they consider Modi/BJP to be anti-Muslim, but they would judge them on their failure to deliver on the economic promises. The Dalits are unlikely to abandon the BSP/Mayawati banner because they know that victory is politically feasible with the right caste, and not political, alliances.

Lead picture: It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. Photos: UNI

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AAP dominates Punjab zila parishad polls, leads in most panchayat samiti zones

AAP has won 201 out of 317 declared zila parishad zones in Punjab so far and is leading in a majority of panchayat samiti seats, with counting still underway.

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Punjab Zila Parishad Polls

The ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has recorded a strong performance in the Punjab zila parishad elections and is leading in the majority of panchayat samiti zones, as per results declared so far on Thursday. The counting process is still underway and complete results are awaited, officials said.

Polling for the rural local bodies was held on December 14 to elect representatives across 347 zones of 22 zila parishads and 2,838 zones of 153 panchayat samitis in the state.

AAP secures clear edge in zila parishads

According to the available results, outcomes have been declared for 317 zila parishad zones so far. Of these, the AAP has won 201 zones, placing it well ahead of other parties.

The Congress emerged second with victories in 60 zones, followed by the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) with 39 zones. The BJP won four zones, the BSP secured three, while independents claimed 10 zones.

District-wise data shows that the AAP won 22 zones in Hoshiarpur, 19 each in Amritsar and Patiala, 17 each in Tarn Taran and Gurdaspur, and 15 zones in Sangrur. The Congress registered its best performances in Gurdaspur and Ludhiana with eight zones each, followed by Jalandhar with seven zones. The SAD performed strongly in Bathinda with 13 zones, while the BJP managed to win four zones in Pathankot.

AAP leads in panchayat samiti results

In the panchayat samiti elections, trends declared so far indicate that the AAP is leading in a majority of zones. However, officials clarified that counting is ongoing and the final picture will be clear only after all ballot papers are tallied.

Kejriwal, Mann reject opposition allegations

Reacting to the trends, AAP supremo Arvind Kejriwal said the party’s performance reflected strong rural support for the Bhagwant Mann government’s work. Addressing the media in Mohali along with Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, Kejriwal dismissed allegations of irregularities raised by opposition parties.

He said the elections were conducted in a fair and free manner and claimed that the results so far showed a clear wave in favour of the AAP in rural Punjab. Kejriwal stated that nearly 70 per cent of the zila parishad and panchayat samiti seats had gone in favour of the party.

Congress, SAD question poll conduct

The Congress and the Shiromani Akali Dal, however, accused the ruling party of misusing official machinery. Punjab Congress chief Amrinder Singh Raja Warring alleged that the AAP had “stolen” the rural mandate and claimed that the results did not reflect genuine public support.

Opposition parties had earlier also accused the AAP government of high-handedness during the polling process, allegations that the ruling party has strongly denied.

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Rahul Gandhi Attacks Centre over G RAM G bill, calls it an attack on MGNREGA’s core principles

Rahul Gandhi has strongly opposed the G RAM G bill, accusing the Modi government of undermining MGNREGA and shifting the financial burden of rural employment schemes onto states.

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Rahul-Gandhi

Congress MP and Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi on Monday sharpened his attack on the Centre over the introduction of the G RAM G bill in the Lok Sabha, alleging that the proposed law weakens the foundations of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and undermines the rights of the rural poor.

The bill, formally titled the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, 2025, has been brought in to replace MGNREGA, which was enacted in 2005 under the UPA government.

Reacting to the move, Rahul Gandhi described the legislation as an “insult to the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi” and accused the Narendra Modi-led government of attempting to dismantle a scheme that guarantees livelihood security to millions of rural households.

Rahul Gandhi’s sharp criticism of the G RAM G bill

In a post on X, Gandhi alleged that Prime Minister Modi has consistently opposed the ideas associated with Mahatma Gandhi and has been trying to weaken MGNREGA since coming to power in 2014. He asserted that the Congress would oppose any attempt to dilute or dismantle the employment guarantee framework.

“Modiji has a deep hatred for two things – the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi and the rights of the poor,” Gandhi said, calling MGNREGA a living embodiment of Gandhi’s vision of village self-rule. He also highlighted the role of the scheme as an economic shield for rural India, particularly during the COVID period.

According to Gandhi, the Centre is now “determined to wipe out MGNREGA completely” by replacing it with a new framework that centralises power and alters the funding structure.

Opposition protests in Parliament

The introduction of the G RAM G bill triggered protests from several opposition MPs inside and outside Parliament. Congress MPs, including Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and Shashi Tharoor, raised objections to key provisions of the bill, particularly the removal of Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the scheme.

Opposition leaders argued that MGNREGA is rooted in the right to employment, decentralised decision-making by villages, and a funding structure where the Centre bears the full wage cost and most of the material expenses.

How G RAM G differs from MGNREGA

Rahul Gandhi pointed out that under MGNREGA, the Centre pays 100 per cent of wages for unskilled workers and 75 per cent of material costs, ensuring steady employment based on demand.

The new G RAM G bill proposes a shift to normative funding, under which states will have to bear 40 per cent of the overall costs. Gandhi claimed this would reduce work availability once budgets are exhausted or during crop harvest seasons, leaving rural workers without employment for extended periods.

The funding ratio for northeastern and Himalayan states has been set at 90:10, while union territories will be fully funded by the Centre. Of the estimated annual expenditure of Rs 1.51 lakh crore, the central government’s share is projected at Rs 95,692 crore.

Leaders from several opposition parties, including those from a key BJP ally, have also expressed concerns over the increased financial burden on states.

Government’s defence of the bill

Government sources have maintained that the G RAM G bill aligns with the broader ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ vision. According to them, the shift from a demand-based to a normative funding model brings the scheme in line with budgeting practices followed for other central government programmes.

However, the sharp political pushback indicates that the replacement of MGNREGA is set to remain a major flashpoint in Parliament in the coming days.

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Bengal draft voter list revision removes 58 lakh names, triggers political row ahead of polls

The draft voter list published after West Bengal’s Special Intensive Revision shows 58 lakh names deleted, setting off a political storm ahead of the Assembly elections.

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mamta banerjee

The release of West Bengal’s draft voter list following the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has set off a fresh political controversy, with 58 lakh names found missing from the rolls. The development comes months ahead of the Assembly elections and has sharpened the ongoing debate between the ruling Trinamool Congress and the opposition BJP.

According to the draft list, 24 lakh voters have been marked as deceased, 19 lakh as relocated, 12 lakh as missing and around 1.3 lakh as duplicate entries. The exercise aims to eliminate duplication and errors from the electoral database and marks the completion of the first phase of SIR, which was last conducted in the state in 2002.

Objection window opens, final list due in February

With the draft list now published, voters whose names have been excluded can file objections and seek corrections. The Election Commission is expected to address these claims before releasing the final voter list in February next year. The announcement of the West Bengal Assembly elections is likely only after the final list is made public.

Trinamool calls deletions injustice, sets up help booths

The Trinamool Congress has strongly objected to the scale of deletions. Party MP Saugata Roy described the removal of 58 lakh names as an injustice and alleged that legitimate voters were being targeted. He said the party has set up voter assistance booths to help people submit forms for re-inclusion of their names.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has also opposed the SIR exercise, accusing the Centre and the Election Commission of attempting to strike off the names of eligible voters ahead of the polls. At a recent rally in Krishnanagar, she urged people to protest if their names were deleted from the rolls.

BJP defends SIR, targets Trinamool vote bank claims

The BJP has defended the revision exercise, accusing the Trinamool Congress of trying to shield illegal and fake voters. Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly Suvendu Adhikari claimed the Chief Minister’s opposition stemmed from fears of losing power as deceased, duplicate and illegal names were being removed from the voter list.

Earlier, Trinamool had also targeted the Election Commission over reports of Booth Level Officers facing extreme work pressure during the exercise. With the draft list now out, the political confrontation over SIR is expected to intensify further in the run-up to the elections.

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