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UP’s psychedelic play of castes

Published

9 years ago

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It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide.

There is visible desperation in Akhilesh Yadav reaching out to Congress

Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

Tactics are very important, and battles need to be won if the war is to be won. Seen from this point of view, the Samajwadi Party (SP) led by Akhilesh Yadav, the Gen-Next leader of the party and the Congress, unofficially led by Nehru-Gandhi Gen-Next, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Vadra, agreeing to be poll partners in the February-March assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh sounds practical and pragmatic. The SP under patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav has been an eminently anti-Congress party, which was seen as the face of upper caste domination in the caste-riven state. But times change, and so do generations. It is legitimate for both SP and Congress to reboot their agendas as it were, and to find commonalities in place of the earlier divergences and opposition.

It is possible that Akhilesh Yadav and Rahul Gandhi/Priyanka Vadra may want to sit and rethink their priorities, and bring about a political alliance between the Yadav-dominant Other Backward Class/Caste (OBC) SP and the so-called upper caste/upper crust base of the Congress. Of course, the two sides are in fact looking to the nearly 19 per cent Muslim vote, which goes under the neutral term of “minorities”. The other major group in the state’s hierarchical social/caste stratification is that of Dalits, who form a solid bloc under the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) led by Mayawati.

The SP, the BSP and the Congress, as well as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), adopt the politically correct stance that they do not recognize caste divisions, and that they appeal to all social segments, that is caste segments. That is why, BSP gives enough seats to Muslims and Brahmins, and the SP gives a nod to Dalit presence. The Congress is looking to the Dalits and the Muslims, apart from the upper castes led by Brahmins and Rajputs. The BJP pretends as though Muslims do not exist while it tries to woo the Dalits, the Most Backward Classes/Castes (MBCs) and the upper castes. The caste combinations in the political calculus of each party make for a nice psychedelic graphic mix.

It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus, cutting across caste— upper, middle, backward, oppressed—lines, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. But the BJP will be hard put to enthuse the different segments of the Hindu society as one because the idea of Ram temple in Ayodhya does not enthuse the majority community. The BJP under Prime Minister Narendra Modi wants to shed its “brahminical” cultural affiliation and reach out to other caste groups, willing to risk losing its upper caste base. It was the BJP tidal wave that swept all before it in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, and it seems to have traumatised the SP and the Congress, if not the BSP.

But the best laid plans of all the parties might go awry. Brahmins may not go with the BJP, BSP or the Congress. But it cannot be the case. They have to choose one among the three. The Brahmins can hope to be part of the power structure in a SP-Congress alliance, and the Dalits too can base their choice by voting for the alliance. Similarly, Muslims will have to choose from among the SP, BSP and the Congress. Psephologists and political realists describe these choices under the rubric of “tactical voting”.

Idealists are sure to be saddened by the caste battle lines and would be asking whether Uttar Pradesh can break out of the caste crucible. The truth might be that a significant number of people, especially the youth, might be opting out of the caste mould and voting for parties and candidates who lie beyond. It appears that something of this kind might have happened in the state during the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, when quite a large number of people did not vote along caste lines and therefore voted with an open mind, willing to give the BJP under Modi to govern at the centre. Will they be willing to do the same in an assembly election which means changing power equations nearer home?

The SP and the Congress would want to pre-empt the out-of-the-(caste)-box voting choice of the Muslims especially. But it would seem that the Muslim youth have a mind of their own, and they are not willing to vote on the jaded issue of secularism vs communalism. Their demands are different, and it is for economic opportunity. If they refuse to vote for Modi and the BJP, it will not be because they consider Modi/BJP to be anti-Muslim, but they would judge them on their failure to deliver on the economic promises. The Dalits are unlikely to abandon the BSP/Mayawati banner because they know that victory is politically feasible with the right caste, and not political, alliances.

Lead picture: It looks like that the SP-Congress alliance, with its eye on capturing the Muslim vote, would push the BJP to try for the consolidation of the so-called Hindus cutting across caste, making it into a Hindu-Muslim divide. Photos: UNI

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Rahul Gandhi attacks Centre ahead of Vladimir Putin’s India visit

Rahul Gandhi alleged that the government discourages visiting foreign dignitaries from meeting Opposition leaders, calling it a sign of “insecurity,” hours before Russian President Vladimir Putin arrives in Delhi.

Published

1 day ago

on

December 4, 2025

By

Rahul Gandhi

As Russian President Vladimir Putin arrives in Delhi today for the India-Russia Annual Summit, Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi has renewed his charge that the Centre discourages visiting foreign leaders from meeting Opposition representatives. He called it a sign of “insecurity” within the government.

Rahul Gandhi alleges break in long-followed tradition

Speaking outside Parliament, Rahul Gandhi said that it has traditionally been the norm for visiting foreign leaders to meet the Leader of the Opposition, a practice he claims continued during the tenures of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh.

He alleged that the present government advises foreign dignitaries against such meetings. “When foreign leaders come, the government suggests they should not meet the Leader of the Opposition. This is their policy,” Gandhi said. He added that a meeting with the Opposition offers visiting leaders a broader perspective, as “we too represent India.”

Gandhi further stated that this approach reflects the government’s reluctance to allow engagement between the Opposition and foreign guests.

Former Foreign Secretary counters Gandhi’s remarks

Responding to Gandhi’s allegations, former Foreign Secretary and Rajya Sabha MP Harsh Vardhan Shringla said visiting leaders operate on very tight schedules and there is no protocol mandating a meeting with the Leader of the Opposition. He stressed that such interactions depend entirely on the guest’s time and preference, noting that the required meetings are those with the President and the Prime Minister.

Putin’s schedule packed with bilateral engagements

Russian President Vladimir Putin is set to land in Delhi this evening on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s invitation. His itinerary includes:

  • A private dinner with PM Modi
  • Visit to Mahatma Gandhi’s memorial at Raj Ghat
  • Engagements at Bharat Mandapam and Hyderabad House
  • A banquet hosted by President Droupadi Murmu

The visit forms part of the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit.

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TMC MLA Humayun Kabir suspended after Babri Mosque replica proposal sparks row

TMC suspended MLA Humayun Kabir after he proposed building a Babri mosque replica in Murshidabad, a move that drew criticism from the party and sparked political tension.

Published

1 day ago

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December 4, 2025

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Trinamool Congress on Thursday suspended MLA Humayun Kabir after he publicly announced plans to construct a replica of the Babri Masjid in West Bengal’s Murshidabad district. Party leaders said Kabir had earlier been cautioned for making such statements but continued to push ahead with the controversial proposal.

Kolkata Mayor Firhad Hakim said the MLA’s remarks were unacceptable, stressing that the party stood firmly by its secular stance. “We noticed that one of our MLAs suddenly declared he would build the Babri masjid. We had warned him before. As per the party’s decision, we are suspending him,” he said.

Kabir vows to continue project, may form new party

Kabir had planned to lay the foundation stone for the mosque replica in Beldanga on December 6. Sources indicated he is likely to resign from Trinamool on Friday and float a new party while continuing with the project.

The choice of date and nature of the project drew sharp criticism from the Trinamool leadership. Hakim alleged the move reflected a “divisional politics” strategy aligned with the BJP. “Why December 6? He could build a school or college. This is divisional politics,” he said.

Sources also said Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee was “hugely annoyed” by Kabir’s remarks and informed him that the party would not support or associate with such activities.

Governor raises concerns, administration on alert

West Bengal Governor Ananda Bose questioned why action was not being taken if the MLA’s statements risked creating a law-and-order issue. He said intelligence inputs suggested attempts to turn Murshidabad into a “hub of scandal,” adding that authorities would not remain silent if communal tensions were provoked.

Officials confirmed that while Kabir has permission to hold the December 6 event, the administration is maintaining a high-level alert in Murshidabad.

Minutes after his suspension, Kabir withdrew from Mamata Banerjee’s rally in the India–Bangladesh border district, where she was protesting against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists.

BJP attacks Kabir over remarks

BJP spokesperson Pratul Shah Deo condemned Kabir’s comments, claiming they were intended to “create communal tensions.” He said any attempt to raise structures linked to historical rulers would trigger disputes similar to the Babri Masjid conflict.

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Karnataka Power Shift: What Siddaramaiah–DK Shivakumar compromise formula means

A closer look at the emerging ‘compromise formula’ between Karnataka’s top leaders Siddaramaiah and DK Shivakumar, and how it may shape the state’s political future.

Published

6 days ago

on

November 29, 2025

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A possible settlement between Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar has emerged, signalling a calmer phase in the leadership tussle within the state Congress. While the final decision rests with the party leadership in Delhi, details of the so-called “compromise formula” are gradually becoming clearer.

Breakfast diplomacy calms tensions

After weeks of speculation over friction between the two top leaders, Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar met over breakfast today. The meeting, aimed at projecting unity, served as a symbolic reset after their strained ties over the chief ministership question.

Analysts believe the optics were crucial — the Congress successfully avoided a public showdown by diffusing tensions before they escalated further.

A transition of power likely, say analysts

According to political observers, the compromise indicates a strong possibility of Shivakumar taking over as Chief Minister in a smooth transition, potentially as early as March–April 2026.
For now, sources say the arrangement requires Shivakumar to continue as Deputy Chief Minister without pushing for immediate change.

In return, the formula reportedly includes more cabinet positions for leaders loyal to Shivakumar and continuation of his role as the state Congress chief. Siddaramaiah is also expected to back Shivakumar as the party’s face for the 2028 Assembly election.

Why the Congress prefers this route

Replacing Siddaramaiah abruptly would not only upset internal balance but could also weaken the party, given his stature and mass appeal. Shivakumar, despite his influence, does not have the numbers within the legislature to force a takeover, making compromise the most viable path.

Siddaramaiah has already stated that this will be his final term as Chief Minister. With his legacy secure and his position as one of Karnataka’s tallest leaders intact, he appears willing to enable a dignified transition when the time comes.

Variables that could shape the final outcome

The success of the formula depends on three key factors:

1. Trust between the two leaders

Whether Shivakumar believes Siddaramaiah will keep his word remains uncertain. Karnataka’s political history is full of last-minute shifts, giving rise to the phrase “natak in Karnataka”.

2. Decision-making by the Congress high command

Delhi’s leadership must ensure the transition happens on time and without internal resistance, especially in the run-up to the 2028 Assembly polls.

3. Caste equations and political alignment

Siddaramaiah is the strongest face of the AHINDA bloc, while Shivakumar represents the OBC Vokkaliga community. The Congress cannot afford to alienate either group, making the timing and execution of any transition extremely delicate.

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