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BJP bags over Rs 705 crore in corporate doles since 2012, Congress distant second at Rs 198 crore

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BJP bags over Rs 705 crore in corporate doles since 2012

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Analysis by the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR) of donations received by five national political parties between financial year 2012-2013 and 2015-16 shows that irrespective of its stint in power the BJP constantly raked in the maximum moolah in voluntary contributions above Rs 20,000 by corporates and trusts 

Whoever advised to ‘make hay while the sun shines’ possibly didn’t know of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s capability of earning hundreds of crores of rupees from corporate donations whether or not the party won general elections to rule the country.

An analysis of donations above Rs 20000 made to various political parties between financial year 2012-2013 and 2015-2016 shows how the BJP earned a staggering Rs 705.81 crore out of a total of Rs 1,070.68 crore donated by corporates and electoral trusts.

As much as 89 per cent – Rs 956.77 crore – of the total donations of Rs 1070.68 crore received by the five political parties whose donations receipts were analysed – came from corporates/business houses.

The analysis done by the Association of Democratic Reforms after studying filings made by political parties and electoral trusts before the Election Commission of India also highlights major anomalies in the manner in which political parties receive ‘voluntary contributions’ from big – or even non-descript – corporate houses and trusts.

The over Rs 705 crore donations received by the BJP from 2987 corporate donors is nearly three times the combined corporate donations received by the remaining four parties – the Congress, CPM, CPI and NCP – which declared the donations received by them. The Congress – which along with its allies in the UPA was in power at the Centre for at least two of four years that were analysed by ADR – received just Rs 198.16 crore from 167 such donors.

The two key Left parties – CPI and CPM – received the lowest amounts in donations, Rs 18 lakh and Rs 1.89 crore respectively while Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) received Rs 50.73 crore during the same period. No data was available for Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) as the party claimed that it did not receive any donation of above Rs 20,000 (the cap beyond which details of donations received have to be made public).

Political parties are required to submit details of donors who have made donations above Rs 20,000 in a financial year (between April 1 and March 31) to the Election Commission of India, every year. Parties provide details of the name, address, Permanent Account Number (PAN), mode of payment and amount contributed by each donor who has donated above Rs 20,000 in their submission.

The BJP, Congress, and NCP – which collectively accounted for over 80 per cent of all donations received by the five political parties – made maximum monetary gains under the “trusts and group of companies” category, which included entities with interests in mining, real estate, power, newspapers and other businesses. This category of corporate/business houses alone donated Rs 432.65 crore to political parties between 2012-13 and 2015-16, says the ADR report. While the BJP received Rs 287.69 crore, the Congress got Rs 129.16 crore, and the NCP Rs 15.78 crore. The BJP received the highest donations from all 14 sectors defined in the ADR report – the maximum coming in from real estate companies – Rs 105.20 crore followed by mining, construction, exports/imports – Rs 83.56 crore – and then the chemicals/pharmaceuticals sector – Rs 31.94 crore.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row css=”.vc_custom_1503052619020{margin-bottom: 20px !important;border-top-width: 20px !important;padding-top: 20px !important;background-color: #a2b1bf !important;}”][vc_column][vc_column_text]What is interesting – although predictably so – is the fact that donations received by political parties show a gradual increase as the country moved towards the Lok Sabha elections and then suddenly slumped – by over 80 per cent – once the elections were over in May 2014.

A cursory perusal of the ADR report reveals how in the financial year 2014-15, during which Lok Sabha elections were held, corporate donations constituted 60 per cent of the total money received by political parties between FY 2012-13 and 2015-16. Donations from corporates to national parties reduced by 86.58 per cent between FY 2014-15 and 2015-16. In numeric terms, the political parties received a total of Rs 82.4 crore in corporate donations in 2012-2013, which went up to Rs 224.60 crore in 2013-2014 and then surged to Rs 573.18 crore in the poll year of 2014-2015 before falling drastically to Rs 76.94 crore in the following fiscal.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Another curious take-away from the ADR report is that the parties collectively received Rs 384.04 crore in over 1900 donations which did not list the PAN details of the contributor. National parties have received Rs 355.08 crore from 1,546 donations which do not have address details in the contribution form. The ADR report says: “99 per cent of such donations without PAN and address details worth Rs 159.59 crore belong to BJP” and that “Such incomplete contribution reports must be returned to the parties by the ECI, to deter them from providing incomplete information.”

Furthermore, political parties reported receiving 262 donations worth Rs 10.48 crore from such corporate entities who have zero internet presence and even if they do, there is ambiguity about the nature of their work.

The Electoral Trusts

What is particularly noteworthy about ADR’s analysis is that it points at two Electoral Trusts – Satya Electoral Trust and General Electoral Trust – as being the largest contributors in monetary terms to the parties – mainly the BJP and Congress.

The Central Board of Direct Taxes had in 2013 made it mandatory for electoral trusts to register with it, declare their address and names of trustees, get a CIN number and annually file details of who they have received donations from during a financial year and the amounts that have been contributed towards different political parties. These trusts that could receive donations from various entities and then donate the money to political parties without having to disclose the original source of the funds; the only condition being that they had to donate 95 per cent of the total contributions received by them to political parties.

While both Satya and General Electoral Trusts donated generously to the BJP and Congress, little is known about the manner in which they operate. What arouses even more suspicion is that even though details of Satya group – which has donated Rs 193.62 crore to the BJP, Rs 57.25 crore to the Congress and Rs 10 crore to the NCP between 2013-2014 and 2015-2016 – are known, there is absolutely no information about the trustees, address or CIN Number of the General Electoral Trust.

The General Electoral Trust which was formed before the Electoral Scheme was launched by the Government in 2013, was the second highest corporate donor to BJP and INC. Between FY 2012-13 & 2015-16, it donated Rs 70.70 crore to the BJP and Rs 54.10 crore to the Congress but there is no information available with the CBDT or the EC on which companies the General Electoral Trust received this money from.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

PM Modi assures no discrimination in women’s quota, delimitation debate intensifies in Parliament

PM Narendra Modi has assured that women’s reservation will be implemented without discrimination, amid a heated debate over delimitation in Parliament.

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PM modi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has assured that there will be no discrimination in the implementation of women’s reservation, as Parliament witnessed a sharp debate over the proposed linkage between the quota and delimitation exercise.

During the ongoing special session, the government reiterated its commitment to ensuring fair representation while addressing concerns raised by opposition parties regarding the timing and structure of the legislation.

The proposed framework aims to reserve 33 percent of seats for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. However, its implementation is tied to a fresh delimitation exercise, which is expected after the next census.

Opposition questions timing and intent

Opposition leaders have raised concerns that linking the women’s quota to delimitation could delay its implementation. They argue that the process of redrawing constituencies may push the actual rollout further into the future.

The issue has triggered a broader political confrontation, with multiple parties questioning whether the move could alter representation across states.

Some critics have also alleged that the delimitation exercise could disproportionately benefit certain regions based on population, a charge the government has rejected.

Government reiterates commitment to fair implementation

Responding to these concerns, the Centre has maintained that the reforms are necessary to ensure accurate and updated representation based on population data.

Leaders from the ruling side have repeatedly emphasized that the process will be carried out transparently and without bias. The assurance that there will be “no discrimination” is aimed at addressing fears among states and opposition parties.

The debate marks a key moment in Parliament, with both sides engaging in intense exchanges over one of the most significant electoral reforms in recent years.

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Give all tickets to Muslim women, Amit Shah says, attacking Akhilesh Yadav on sub-quota demand

A sharp exchange between Amit Shah and Akhilesh Yadav in Parliament over sub-quota for Muslim women highlights key divisions on women’s reservation implementation.

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A heated exchange broke out in Parliament during discussions on the women’s reservation framework, with Union Home Minister Amit Shah and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav locking horns over the demand for a sub-quota for Muslim women.

The debate unfolded as the government pushed forward key legislative measures to implement 33% reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies.

Akhilesh Yadav argued that the proposed reservation must ensure representation for women from marginalised communities, including Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Muslim women. He said that without such provisions, large sections could remain excluded from political participation.

He also questioned the timing of the bill, alleging that the Centre was avoiding a caste census. According to him, a census would lead to renewed demands for caste-based reservations, which the government is reluctant to address.

Government rejects religion-based quota

Responding to the demand, Amit Shah made it clear that reservation based on religion is not permitted under the Constitution.

He stated that any proposal to provide quota to Muslims on religious grounds would be unconstitutional, firmly rejecting the idea of a separate sub-quota for Muslim women within the broader reservation framework.

The government has maintained that the existing framework already includes provisions for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) women within the overall reservation structure.

Wider political divide over implementation

The issue of sub-categorisation within the women’s quota has emerged as a major flashpoint, even as most opposition parties broadly support the idea of women’s reservation.

Samajwadi Party leaders reiterated that their support for the bill depends on inclusion of OBC and minority women, while the government continues to defend its constitutional position.

The debate is part of a broader discussion during the special Parliament session, where multiple bills linked to delimitation and implementation of the women’s quota are being taken up.

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No state will lose a seat, Centre assures as delimitation debate takes centre stage in Parliament

Parliament’s special session begins with key focus on implementing women’s reservation and delimitation, setting the stage for major electoral changes.

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Parliament

A special session of Parliament commenced on Thursday, with the Centre set to take up crucial legislation related to women’s reservation and delimitation of constituencies. The session, scheduled over three days, is expected to witness intense debate as the government pushes forward its legislative agenda.

At the centre of discussions is the proposal to operationalise the women’s reservation law, which seeks to allocate 33 percent of seats in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies to women. The law, passed earlier, requires enabling provisions before it can be implemented.

The rollout of the reservation is closely tied to the delimitation exercise — a process that redraws parliamentary constituencies based on updated population data. The implementation is expected only after the next census and delimitation process are completed.

The government is aiming to put in place the framework so that the reservation can be enforced in future elections, likely around 2029.

Delimitation and numbers at play

Delimitation is a key aspect of the proposed changes, as it will determine how seats are redistributed and which constituencies are reserved. The exercise is expected to reflect population shifts and may also involve an increase in the total number of Lok Sabha seats.

This linkage has made the issue politically sensitive, with several opposition parties backing women’s reservation in principle but raising concerns over how and when delimitation will be carried out.

Political reactions and expected debate

The session is likely to see sharp exchanges between the government and opposition. While there is broad agreement on increasing women’s representation, disagreements remain over the timing, process, and potential political implications of the delimitation exercise.

Some leaders have argued that delimitation could significantly alter the balance of representation among states, making it a contentious issue beyond the women’s quota itself.

The government, however, has framed the move as a step toward strengthening women’s participation in governance and ensuring more inclusive policymaking.

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