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Gandhi vs Jinnah

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Gandhi vs Jinnah

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Sheela Reddy’s book on his traumatic personal life is also a revisionist look at the man better known as the Mahatma 

By Binoo K John

In India’s nationalistic narrative Mohammed Ali Jinnah never got the place he deserved which was totally usurped by Mohandas Gandhi. Few nationalist historians have dared to cast a cynical look at Gandhi’s life and machinations and almost all of them have  chosen to paper over the many warts in Gandhi’s personal, professional and nationalistic  life.

In that sense senior journalist Sheela Reddy’s recently-published Mr and Mrs Jinnah (Penguin) is a welcome relief and offers a daring and clinical insight intothe life of two of the national movement’s biggest stalwarts. The book’s focus is on Jinnah’s traumatic married life to Ruttie, the teenaged daughter of a Parsi upper class family of Mumbai but often the author casts a bright light into deliberately darkened areas of Gandhi’s life which we opted not to see or dwell upon for long. Such acts of Gandhi might be worth a relook.

After all that we have read about Gandhi’s conciliatory attitude towards minorities in the later part of the national movement, his early hatred and suspicion of Muslims is shocking even now as we read it in this book. When Motilal Nehru’s elder daughter Nan fell in love with Syud Hossain, an aristocratic and dashing young Muslim who was editor of Independent and thus had free access to Anand Bhawan, all hell broke loose. In that chaotic and liberal household, where Muslims were considered part of the family, it is no wonder that the beautiful Nan and the attractive Syud fell in love and were almost living together. Motilal espoused liberalism and modernity but when it came to his daughter marrying a Muslim he wavered.  Unlike a liberal Motilal had betrothed her to another Hindu aristocrat’s son when she was just 12 or 13  but Nan, the carefree daughter of a liberal household, had other ideas. She thought that marrying Syud wouldn’t pose any problems in that ‘modern’ household.

After their affair became known, Nan was promptly despatched to Gandhi’s ashram for a cleansing ritual and for dissuading her from marrying a Muslim. Gandhi ran the ashram like a prison and had “bizarre and primeval” rituals. Ashramites lives in utter fear of Gandhi. Gandhi had by then brutally punished a young lady who had fallen in love with another ashramite (not a Muslim) and personally cut off the girl’s beautiful long silky hair, an act which can today be considered criminal.

As part of Nan’s cleansing and ‘cultural reorientation’ Gandhi lectured the sister of the future prime minister about the evil nature of Muslims. She wrote: “He told me when I was at the ashram that this event (Syud affair) had shaken his belief in Mussalmans… what right had you to allow yourself even for a minute to look with love at a Mussalman.” Then later. “Out of nearly 20 crores of Hindus couldn’t you find a single one who came up to your ideals—but you must needs pass them all over and throw yourself into the arms of a Mohammeddan!!!”  Nan who  was nonplussed by all this  wrote: “Poor man! To him  it is inconceivable for a Hindu  and Mussalman to  marry and live happily.”

This statement by Nan about Gandhi’s real beliefs about Muslims can still shock us. Gandhi later confronted Syud and asked him how he dared make love to a Hindu girl who he ought to have looked upon as a sister. Syud, rather flummoxed, said: “Well, I did look upon her as a sister in the beginning.” Neither Syud nor Nan was ever taught to look at people as Hindu, Muslim or Christian. It was Gandhi who tried to ingrain this thought into them.

In fact, Reddy points out in detail that all the characters in the early part of the anti-colonial movement were brought up in extremely liberal, modern atmospheres and most of them rebelled against brahmanical social mores. Aghorenath Chattapadhyay, father of Sarojini  Naidu, for instance, flung his sacred thread into the Ganges at 14, to  rebel against caste. Brought up in an entirely cosmopolitan atmosphere, Sarojini claimed proudly that theirs “was a home of Indians and not of Hindus or Brahmins”. Compared to all this, Gandhi’s ashram was a patriarchal heaven, a medieval, casteist monastery where ashramites were regularly chastised on moral, religious grounds.

Compared to Gandhi’s overtly Hindu and monastic attitude infused with vague notions of celibacy and vegetarianism, Jinnah was completely modern, secular, liberal and had a worldview which now looks similar to that of Nehru.  Jinnah completely ignored or rebelled against his own Muslim Khoja orthodoxy and superstitions. “He not only defiantly dressed like a British gentleman but openly smoked, drank, ate pork and, more seriously, insisted on putting his sister into a convent boarding school despite opposition from his community”, Reddy writes.

Jinnah’s later move towards the Muslim right was largely due to the opposition he faced from Gandhi within the Congress and, of course, other pro-Hindu factions like the Hindu Mahasabha, etc. Jinnah, as is known, had made various attempts to bring the Muslim League close to the Congress but was rebutted by the government and also by Gandhi on various occasions. In 1915, for instance, Jinnah brought the Muslim League close to the Congress by holding the session at the same time as the Congress’s in Bombay, but the proceedings were disrupted.

All details of the Gandhi-Jinnah conflict are known but Jinnah’s role in trying to bring together a Hindu-Muslim political conciliation has been underplayed. Jinnah’s Delhi Proposals were accepted by the Congress but was fiercely opposed by the Hindu Mahasabha at the all-party conference. “Jinnah’s personality dominated both the issues in the Assembly and in the All Parties Conference. Never have I admired him more than now. What dignity and courage in the midst of suffering—what patience, persuasion and real statesmanship he showed during the most trying period of the prolonged conference,” Sarojini Naidu wrote in February1928 when she was in the inner circles of the Congress.

In contrast, such glowing references to Gandhi by senior Congress leaders are rare to find. In fact, during the early phase of the struggle it was Jinnah who had the guts to take the British head on while Gandhi was extremely conciliatory. Once Jinnah joined the anti-Rowlatt agitation led by Gandhi, he resigned from the assembly and plunged headlong into it. “It was Jinnah whom the government feared, considering him a far more dangerous power centre than Gandhi. Unlike Gandhi who sent out mixed signals about his approach to the British government, even volunteering to recruit Indian soldiers for the War effort without placing any conditions, Jinnah took on the British frontally,” Reddy writes.

Gandhi saw in Jinnah both a threat and a rival, so treated him with disdain. Once when Jinnah wrote him a nice letter from abroad asking Gandhi for news about political developments, Gandhi gave him gratuitous advice suggesting that he learn Gujarati and Hindi and asking Ruttie be sent to spinning classes!

Reddy’s book is evidence that in our nationalistic pride and hurt about the formation of Pakistan we failed  to properly understand the role that Jinnah had played in trying for a united Muslim-Hindu  political unity, before he was pushed to a corner and went the other way. Reddy’s book is a serious attempt to look dispassionately at the role that Jinnah played and for once keep Gandhi aside in the narrative of the national movement, so that a we can get a better view of Jinnah the man and leader, minus the blinkers.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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GRAP stage-III measures enforced across Delhi as air quality worsens

Delhi’s air quality has deteriorated further, prompting authorities to enforce GRAP stage-III measures across the NCR amid rising AQI levels.

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Delhi’s air quality has continued to deteriorate, prompting authorities to enforce Stage-III measures under the Graded Response Action Plan (GRAP) across the National Capital Region with immediate effect.

The Commission for Air Quality Management (CAQM) said the Air Quality Index (AQI) of the national capital showed a worsening trend over the past 24 hours. The AQI stood at 343 on January 15 at 4 pm and rose further to 354 by 4 pm on Thursday, raising concerns that pollution levels could soon enter the ‘Severe’ category.

Weather agencies have forecast unfavourable atmospheric conditions in the coming days, including low wind speeds, a stable atmosphere and poor dispersion of pollutants. Officials said these conditions could push Delhi’s average AQI beyond 400, which falls under the ‘Severe’ air quality bracket.

Stage-III restrictions come into force across NCR

In view of the rising pollution levels and the forecast of further deterioration, the CAQM sub-committee on GRAP decided to invoke all measures under Stage-III. These measures correspond to ‘Severe’ air quality levels and have been implemented as a precautionary step to prevent further decline.

The Stage-III actions will be enforced in addition to the restrictions already in place under Stages I and II of GRAP, which remain operational across the NCR. Officials said the combined measures aim to tighten controls on pollution sources, enhance monitoring and ensure stricter enforcement to curb emissions.

CAQM has directed pollution control boards and concerned agencies in the NCR to intensify preventive and regulatory steps. Authorities have been asked to ensure strict compliance with GRAP norms and take prompt action against violations.

Officials said air quality levels will be closely monitored, and further decisions will be taken based on real-time data and evolving weather conditions. Citizens have been urged to cooperate with advisories and follow measures aimed at reducing pollution levels.

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PM Modi to visit Bengal and Assam, launch Vande Bharat sleeper train and key projects

PM Modi will visit West Bengal and Assam on January 17 and 18 to launch India’s first Vande Bharat sleeper train and inaugurate major infrastructure projects.

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi will visit West Bengal and Assam on January 17 and 18, where he will flag off India’s first Vande Bharat sleeper train and inaugurate, dedicate and lay the foundation stone for a series of infrastructure and development projects across the two poll-bound states.

Vande Bharat sleeper train to be flagged off from Malda

On Saturday, the prime minister will visit Malda in West Bengal around 12.45 pm and flag off the country’s first Vande Bharat sleeper train connecting Howrah with Guwahati (Kamakhya) from the Malda town railway station.

Later in the day, around 1.45 pm, he will address a public programme in Malda where he will dedicate to the nation and lay the foundation stone of multiple rail and road projects worth more than Rs 3,250 crore.

Development projects in Hooghly district

On January 18, around 3 pm, the prime minister will visit Singur in Hooghly district, where he will inaugurate, lay the foundation stone and flag off various development projects worth around Rs 830 crore.

During the visit, Modi will also virtually flag off four new Amrit Bharat Express trains connecting New Jalpaiguri with Nagercoil and Tiruchirappalli, and Alipurduar with Bengaluru and Mumbai (Panvel). These services are aimed at improving affordable long-distance rail connectivity and strengthening inter-state economic and social linkages.

New train services and highway projects in north Bengal

The prime minister will flag off two new train services with LHB coaches — Radhikapur–SMVT Bengaluru Express and Balurghat–SMVT Bengaluru Express — providing direct connectivity from north Bengal to major IT and employment hubs.

He will also lay the foundation stone for the rehabilitation and four-laning of the Dhupguri–Falakata section of National Highway-31D, a project expected to significantly improve road connectivity and the movement of goods and passengers in the region.

Additionally, Modi will lay the foundation stone of four major railway projects in West Bengal, including a new rail line between Balurghat and Hili, next-generation freight maintenance facilities at New Jalpaiguri, upgradation of the Siliguri loco shed and modernisation of Vande Bharat train maintenance facilities in Jalpaiguri district.

He will also dedicate the electrification of the New Coochbehar–Bamanhat and New Coochbehar–Boxirhat rail sections, enabling cleaner and more energy-efficient train operations.

Cultural programme and Kaziranga corridor in Assam

On January 17, around 6 pm, the prime minister will attend the Bodo cultural programme “Bagurumba Dwhou 2026” at Sarusajai Stadium in Guwahati. More than 10,000 artists from across Assam are expected to perform the traditional Bagurumba dance in a single synchronised presentation.

On January 18, around 11 am, Modi will perform the bhoomi pujan for the Kaziranga elevated corridor project, valued at over Rs 6,950 crore, at Kaliabor in Nagaon district. The 86-km project includes a 35-km elevated wildlife corridor passing through Kaziranga National Park, along with bypasses and highway widening works aimed at improving connectivity while protecting biodiversity.

During the Assam programme, the prime minister will also flag off two new Amrit Bharat Express trains — Guwahati (Kamakhya)–Rohtak and Dibrugarh–Lucknow (Gomti Nagar) — strengthening rail connectivity between the northeast and northern India.

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NDA’s track record strikes chord as PM Modi hails Maharashtra civic polls win

Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed Maharashtra voters after the BJP-led NDA registered a historic victory in the BMC elections, ending decades of Shiv Sena dominance.

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modi on maharashtra election

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday thanked the people of Maharashtra after the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance registered a landmark victory in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections, marking the first time the party has emerged on top in the country’s richest civic body.

In a post on X, the prime minister said the people of the state had endorsed the NDA’s agenda of governance and development. He said the results of municipal corporation elections across Maharashtra showed that the alliance’s bond with voters had further strengthened.

According to PM Modi, the NDA’s track record and vision for development had “struck a chord” with the electorate. He described the verdict as a mandate to accelerate progress while celebrating Maharashtra’s cultural legacy.

BJP-Shiv Sena alliance dominates BMC

As counting continued, trends showed the BJP leading in 90 of the 227 wards in Mumbai, while the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena was ahead in 28 wards. The Ajit Pawar-led NCP faction, which contested separately, was leading in only three wards.

On the opposition side, the Shiv Sena (UBT) and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena were ahead in 57 and nine wards respectively. The Congress, which contested in alliance with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, was leading in 15 wards, while others were ahead in eight.

The outcome effectively ends the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s decades-long control over the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, which had been the party’s main power centre since its formation.

In the seat distribution, the BJP contested 137 wards and the Shinde-led Shiv Sena 90. The Ajit Pawar faction of the NCP fielded candidates in 94 wards. On the opposition side, Shiv Sena (UBT) contested 163 seats, the MNS 52, the Congress 143, and the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi 46.

Urban verdict weakens Pawar influence

The results in Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad also sent a strong political message, indicating that the Pawar brand no longer guarantees success in key urban centres. Despite tactical coordination between the two NCP factions led by Sharad Pawar and Ajit Pawar, voters did not consolidate behind them.

In the Pune Municipal Corporation, the BJP emerged with a clear upper hand, either winning or leading in a significant number of wards. The NCP factions failed to convert their traditional influence into broader citywide support.

Thackeray retains Marathi Manoos connect but loses power base

Uddhav Thackeray appears to have retained a section of the Marathi Manoos vote in Mumbai, even as the Shinde-led Shiv Sena made inroads. While the Shiv Sena (UBT) managed a respectable showing in its traditional strongholds, the loss of control over the BMC is seen as a major setback.

Control of the civic body had long been central to the party’s political identity and a key factor in its alliances.

Devendra Fadnavis emerges as key strategist

Much of the credit for the BJP’s sweeping civic success is being attributed to Devendra Fadnavis. Under his leadership, the Mahayuti alliance has carried forward its assembly election momentum into municipal politics.

The results are being seen as reinforcing Fadnavis’s political standing, demonstrating that even combined opposition forces could not halt the BJP’s rise. The verdict has also challenged the long-held claim of the Thackeray family over Marathi votes in Mumbai.

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