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Paranjoy Refutes Allegations of ex-colleagues

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Paranjoy Refutes Allegations of ex-colleagues

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Forced to resign as editor of Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) and targeted on social media for his article against Adani Group, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta – also accused by some members of the staff of the journal of various misdemeanours – has broken his silence to refute their charges.

Over a week after EPW staff members raised questions about Paranjoy Guha Thakurta’s behaviour during his tenure as editor of the journal in a ‘confidential’ letter to the Sameeksha Trust board, Guha Thakurta has decided to break his silence, which he says was “interpreted by some as my tacit acknowledgment of the claims made by some of my former colleagues.”

The EPW staff members had questioned the decision to pull down the the article “Modi Government’s ₹500 Crore Bonanza to Adani Group Company ” (EPW , 19 June 2017) from the website as per Guha Thakurta’s instructions, undermining the review process of articles “for his associates, persons of influence, and has entertained partisan endorsements to research papers without following the review process and evaluating the merit of the article”, higher payments to certain authors (usually his old associates), which would have been 20 times higher than the token amounts paid to contributors, and “a grave assault on the work culture in the EPW office, with many of us on staff being made to feel uncomfortable by inappropriate, sexual and sexist comments made by Mr Guha Thakurta”.

In a statement issued on August 2, Guha Thakurta has rebutted the allegations point-wise. Here is the text of his statement:[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner css=”.vc_custom_1501765788145{padding-top: 20px !important;background-color: #a2b1bf !important;}”][vc_column_inner][vc_column_text]Statement issued by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta

Dated: 02 August 2017

  1. I have agonised for days about whether I should put out this statement, ever since the letter dated 25 July 2017 sent by eight of my former colleagues in the Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) to the trustees of the Sameeksha Trust, owners and publishers of the EPW, entered the public domain soon after it was sent. This was a letter that was not meant to have reached me. But now that it is circulating widely, I have decided it is time to respond. My silence on the points raised in the letter have been interpreted by some as my tacit acknowledgment of the claims made by some of my former colleagues.

This is far from correct.

  1. On the issue of my allegedly undermining the review process in the EPW, I wish to assert that I exercised my prerogative as an editor to shorten the review process in the cases of barely a handful of articles out of the hundreds of articles that were published in the print and web editions of the EPW in the 15 months that I was privileged to serve in this position. I wish to place on record that among this handful of articles was one that was strongly recommended for publication by one of the Trustees of the Sameeksha Trust. After this article was published, it attracted a strong rejoinder which too was published. The same Trustee also wrote an email to me expressing unhappiness at the rejection of a particular article. While it is not normal practice in the EPW to specify the reasons for rejecting an article, in this instance, because a specific complaint had come from a Trustee, I requested the reviewer to specify the reasons for rejecting the article. These reasons were then emailed to the Trustee who retorted with a harangue questioning the decision of the reviewer.

I wish to, therefore, categorically deny the claim that I have undermined the review process in the EPW.

  1. On the claim that I favoured my close associates by promising to pay them substantially more than what the EPW normally pays its contributors, the following facts should be noted. One particular investigative article by Subir Ghosh (my co-author and close associate) on the cartels that were apparently responsible for the spike in the prices of tur and urad dal was published on the website of the EPW. This article was written after more than a month of research based on a perusal of thousands of pages of documents that were leaked to me by a whistleblower. Another article on Kingfisher Airlines by Nihar Gokhale (a freelance journalist who could become my close associate) was published on the EPW website based on leaked internal documents of a bank. I proposed a payment of Rs 30,000 and Rs 20,000 respectively for the two authors of the two articles which I felt would be commensurate with the efforts they had put in. These were not the typical articles contributed to the EPW for which the authors are paid token amounts. The articles were specially assigned.

An important point to note in this context is that the EPW recently received a generous grant from a foundation for its digital edition and one component of this grant was specifically meant for “corporate investigations” and “web exclusives” for which a separate budget has been earmarked. Nevertheless, I had in addition raised a sum of Rs 50,000 from an individual as a donation for corporate investigations. This person subsequently withdrew his donation on learning about my resignation. At this point of time, neither Ghosh nor Gokhale have been paid the amounts I had “promised” them.

  1. On the question of the editor writing signed articles, from the day I joined the EPW as editor on 04 April 2016 till the day I resigned 15 months and 15 days later, eight articles written and/or co-authored by me have been published in the digital and/or print editions of the EPW. I have never been ashamed of the fact that for the forty years I have been a journalist, I have been a reporter for much of the time. Over and above the articles I authored or co-authored, I had during my tenure as editor been responsible for publishing close to two dozen articles that may be described as “investigative” in nature. I wish to state that not only did these articles attract more than the usual number of readers to the website of the EPW, but also that not a single fact published had to be retracted or were contradicted. My former colleagues refer to an article on alleged over-invoicing of imported coal by prominent private and public companies that I published on the very first day I joined the EPW. That was also the day I received a copy of a document (on which the article was based) that had been sent to 50 different government establishments. I wanted the EPW to be the first to publish the news and indeed, after the EPW published the report, it was picked up by a number of Indian and international dailies and publications.
  2. It has also been alleged by my former colleagues that I had compromised the “egalitarian” work culture in the EPW. They are indeed entitled to their opinion. I do not agree with them. I believe I did try and accommodate the viewpoints of my former colleagues even when I vehemently disagreed with them. It is up to the larger community of the EPW to evaluate the contribution I made to this reputed publication.
  3. What has pained me the most is the claim that I have on occasions used inappropriate and sexist/sexual language in office. On only one (repeat one) occasion, did I inadvertently use a phrase in a conversation with a woman colleague that may have been considered inappropriate. On realising this, I immediately apologised to her. Later in the day I followed it up with an email to her placing on record my apology for what I had said. I cannot prove what I have stated as my email account with the EPW has been suddenly blocked. It is important to note that if my way of functioning with my women colleagues in office had on occasions caused them discomfort as is being alleged in the letter to the Trustees, I am not aware if any formal complaint was ever made. That this is being made an issue now seems like it is part of a bigger agenda to malign me personally.
  4. I am taking particular umbrage at the decision to suddenly block what used to be my official email account. This is contrary to the explicit assurance that had been given to me that I would be allowed access to my EPW email account for a few weeks after my resignation from the post of editor of the EPW on 18 July. I sincerely hope that what is contained in my EPW email account will not be tampered with. I also hope I will still be given an opportunity to access my email account to retrieve what is rightfully my own work.
  5. I am particularly thankful to my former colleagues for expressing their disagreement with the manner in which the trustees of the Sameeksha Trust directed/instructed/ordered me on 18 July to pull down an article on Adani Power Limited ostensibly because a lawyer representing the company had sent the EPW a letter/notice alleging defamation without having moved a court of law. My former colleagues have rightly perceived this action as an encroachment on editorial autonomy.
  6. In conclusion, I wish to reiterate that the institution that is the EPW is far bigger than any individual and will always be that way. Its survival and further development, I believe, is the responsibility of the larger EPW community that has sustained and nurtured it.

Yours faithfully

Paranjoy Guha Thakurta

Gurgaon (Haryana)[/vc_column_text][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Tamil Nadu potboiler: Now, Sasikala to launch new party ahead of election

Sasikala has announced the launch of a new political party ahead of the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, positioning herself against AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami.

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In a significant political development ahead of the Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, expelled AIADMK leader V. K. Sasikala has announced that she will float a new political party and contest the polls by fielding her own candidates.

Speaking in Madurai before heading to Pasumpon for a public event, Sasikala said she would unveil her party’s flag later in the evening. She indicated that more details regarding the party’s structure and plans would be shared at the gathering.

The event venue carries political symbolism. Pasumpon is the birthplace of Thevar leader Muthuramalinga Thevar, and Sasikala herself belongs to the influential Thevar community in southern Tamil Nadu. The programme was held as part of birth anniversary events of former Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa.

Direct challenge to EPS

Sasikala’s move is being viewed as a direct political challenge to AIADMK general secretary Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS). After Jayalalithaa’s death in 2016, Sasikala briefly took control of the party and had appointed Palaniswami as Chief Minister. However, following her conviction in the disproportionate assets case, she served a four-year prison term, and during that period, she was expelled from the party.

Palaniswami later aligned with O. Panneerselvam, whom Sasikala had earlier removed from the Chief Minister’s post. The two leaders subsequently adopted a dual leadership arrangement within the party and government.

Sasikala remains disqualified from contesting elections until 2027 due to her conviction. Nevertheless, she has stated that she intends to field candidates under her new party banner.

Fragmented Thevar vote base

Over the years, expulsions within the AIADMK — including Sasikala, her nephew TTV Dhinakaran and O Panneerselvam — have led to divisions within the Thevar support base. Political observers have linked this fragmentation to the party’s weakened electoral performance in the elections following Jayalalithaa’s passing.

While Dhinakaran has returned to the NDA fold, reports suggest Palaniswami is opposed to any arrangement that includes Sasikala or Panneerselvam. OPS, meanwhile, has exited the NDA.

Sasikala has repeatedly criticised Palaniswami, describing him as a betrayer, while he maintains that his leadership stems from the support of AIADMK legislators rather than her backing.

The AIADMK has not issued an official statement on Sasikala’s announcement. However, a senior party leader questioned her political standing, pointing out her disqualification from contesting elections and referring to legal issues linked to Jayalalithaa’s death.

With the Assembly polls approaching, Sasikala’s re-entry into active politics could further complicate the opposition space in Tamil Nadu and influence electoral calculations, particularly in the southern districts.

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As stealth reshapes air combat, India weighs induction of Sukhoi Su-57 jets

India is assessing the possible induction of up to 40 Sukhoi Su-57 fifth-generation fighter jets as stealth becomes central to future air combat strategy.

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Sukhoi Su-57 jets

Aerial warfare is increasingly being defined by the ability to remain undetected rather than by traditional dogfighting skills, and India is now assessing options to strengthen its capabilities in this new paradigm. Defence circles are abuzz with indications that the Indian Air Force may consider procuring up to 40 Russian fifth-generation Su-57 fighter jets, according to sources.

The possible move comes less than a year after Operation Sindoor, which was launched in May last year following the Pahalgam terror attack. The air engagements with the Pakistan Air Force during the operation are understood to have provided fresh operational insights, prompting discussions on future preparedness.

Why stealth is central to fifth-generation fighters

Fifth-generation fighter aircraft are designed with a strong emphasis on low observability. Platforms such as the Su-57 incorporate airframes shaped to reduce radar signatures and use radar-absorbent materials to make detection more difficult across radar, infrared and visible spectrums.

These aircraft typically integrate advanced avionics, sensor fusion and supercruise capabilities. They are also configured to carry specialised weapons internally, enhancing stealth during combat missions.

According to information available on Sukhoi’s official platform, the Su-57 is equipped with a deeply integrated avionics suite that offers a high level of automation and intelligent crew support. Its onboard systems enable it to operate autonomously and exchange data in real time with ground control systems or as part of a coordinated task force.

The aircraft can deploy a broad range of air-to-air and air-to-surface munitions, allowing it to undertake both fighter and strike roles. Sukhoi states that the jet is capable of conducting covert missions owing to reduced visibility across multiple wavelength ranges.

The Su-57 is also fitted with an auxiliary power unit designed to improve deployment autonomy and lower fuel consumption during ground operations. An onboard oxygen extraction unit enhances operational endurance. Additionally, the aircraft features an explosion-proof fuel tank system described as a generator-type neutral gas system, aimed at improving combat survivability.

Regional security context

The reported deliberations come amid evolving regional dynamics. China, regarded as Pakistan’s close strategic partner, has developed the J-20 fifth-generation stealth fighter, and there are indications that such capabilities could eventually be shared with Pakistan.

India is also pursuing its own fifth-generation programme, the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA). The first flight of the AMCA is expected around 2028 or 2029, with induction into the Air Force projected around 2035.

In this backdrop, any decision on the Su-57 would form part of a broader effort to ensure that the Indian Air Force remains prepared for future aerial warfare scenarios where stealth and advanced sensing capabilities play a decisive role.

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India News

RSS chief backs nationwide rollout of Uniform Civil Code, cites Uttarakhand model

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has supported nationwide implementation of the Uniform Civil Code, urging adoption of the Uttarakhand model.

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Mohan Bhagwat

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat has expressed support for implementing the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) across the country, stating that it would be a “very good thing” if adopted nationwide. He suggested that the framework introduced in Uttarakhand could serve as a model for other states.

Speaking at a former servicemen’s dialogue seminar organised to mark the RSS’s 100th anniversary, Bhagwat said the UCC should be implemented in a manner similar to the approach followed by Uttarakhand. The hill state became the first in the country to enforce the Uniform Civil Code on January 27 last year.

Highlighting the process adopted in Uttarakhand, Bhagwat noted that after a draft proposal was prepared, it was opened for public discussion. According to him, suggestions from nearly three lakh people were received, and these inputs were examined and incorporated.

Describing the UCC as essential for societal unity, the RSS chief said such a legal framework would strengthen social cohesion.

When asked about the ongoing issue concerning the University Grants Commission, Bhagwat declined to comment, stating that the matter is currently under consideration by the Supreme Court of India.

Addressing retired personnel from the armed forces and paramilitary services at the event, Bhagwat underlined the continuing importance of defence forces, even in an independent nation, to safeguard sovereignty.

He also reflected on the journey of the RSS, saying the organisation was established without external resources and continued to grow despite facing severe sanctions on two occasions. He attributed its progress to the confidence and support of society.

Encouraging participation, Bhagwat invited former servicemen to attend Sangh camps and programmes to observe the work of volunteers and contribute to service activities based on their interests and abilities.

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