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Three Mosques: “Muslim Generosity Would Electrify Hindu Masses”

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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]By: Saeed Naqvi

The 25th anniversary of Babari Masjid demolition will rekindle debate: why was it demolished, historical wrongs, Mandal Commission inviting a Mandir backlash, Hindu yearning for a Ram temple and so on. But the clinching evidence Judges of the Supreme Court, steeped in the case, might find interesting is a video recording of celebrations at ground zero, the site of the demolition soon after the traumatic event.

The first scene opens with a number of girls in a circle, clapping in unison and singing a song with the following refrain:

“Ab yeh jhanda lehraayega

saarey Pakistan pe”

(Now this flag will flutter over Pakistan)

The next scene shows a group of young men, delirious with excitement wearing bandanas around their heads, carrying lances. They lunge towards the camera, shouting:

“Bomb girega Pakistan pe

Bomb girega Pakistan pe”

(Bombs will fall on Pakistan)

Third scene consists of a handsome Swami with wavy hair. In his booming voice he spells out:

“Abhi hamein Lahore jana hai,

Rawalpindi jana hai…..”

The final scene has the late Bal Thackeray predictably announcing in very matter of fact tones, from his Mumbai residence:

“We are going to build the Ram Temple, and if the Muslims don’t like it, they can go to Pakistan.”

There was no mention of Ram or a temple, only a frenetic triumphalism over Pakistan. In the context of the demolition of a mosque which carried the name of the first Moghul Emperor, the celebrations appeared to settle multiple scores against a long chain of Muslim “marauders” and Muslims who mushroomed under their auspices and who eventually walked away with an independent country. Worse, they left behind almost as many of their co religionists in this country.

No one ever disputed the primacy of Ram in the Hindu belief system, but the demolition of the mosque was an instance of faith being placed in the service of politics. L.K. Advani’s 1990 Rath Yatra was designed to neutralize caste divisions aggravated by the Mandal Commission. Its purpose was to compact the Hindu caste pyramid teetering because of excessive exposure to identity Politics. The mosque and by extension, the Muslim, was to be the foil in this primary enterprise. This was the cement that would be filled into the crevices to stabilize the pyramid.

In this masonry for compacting Hindu society, heavy collateral damage would have to be borne by the Muslim. This collateral damage, in other words, was to be no meager side show. The scaling down of a thousand years of civilization associated with the “invaders” would be cathartic, even exhilarating for the majority. By that very token, it would be degrading for the largest minority ever in history.

Pakistan had become a part of the country’s internal politics even before the 1965 war when Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri upturned Nehruvian secularism by seeking RSS volunteers for Civil Defence Duty. Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister after Shastri, felt the heat when she lost the 1967 elections in eight states.

Even during electoral adversity in the north, Indira Gandhi felt reasonably secure so long as her charisma lasted in the southern states of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. When these states were lost in 1982, she realized that the Congress rule could not be secured in the north without recourse to a shade of saffron. This shade she brought into play during the 1983 Jammu elections, harnessing Hindu sentiment against the Khalistan movement next door.

The 404 seats in a House of 533 that Rajiv Gandhi won in 1984, after Indira Gandhi’s murder, were interpreted by the Congress as Hindu consolidation against minority communalism. From the Sikh minority to the Muslim minority was an easy conceptual leap.

It was a moment of reckoning for the BJP, smarting with only two seats in 1984. It could not allow the Congress to steal the Hindu platform. Congress too would not give up the advantage. In 1986 it arranged for the locks of the Ram temple to be opened, having earlier pleased the obscurantist Muslims by upturning the Shah Bano judgement which provided maintenance to a divorced woman.

Then Rajiv Gandhi began the 1989 election from Ayodhya with a promise that he would usher in Ram Rajya. He allowed bricks to be laid for the temple’s foundation, exactly where the VHP had planned to.

To win this competition in Hindu radicalism, Advani’s Rath Yatra provided the BJP with an occasion to raise the stakes beyond the Congress reach. While Rajiv stood on a saffron platform, he was careful not to overtly offend the Muslims.

P.V. Narasimha Rao as Prime Minister reversed this ambidextrous approach. He slept while the Kar Sevaks pulled down the mosque. There was no ambiguity now. It was straightforward Hindu-Muslim polarization.

And now as 2019 elections approach, what should the Muslims do? My mother, who died three years ago, had accompanied my wife, daughter and me to Ayodhya to see the 1989 Shilanyas (bricklaying). She lived in Lucknow and we were there only for two days. This way, she thought, she would see more of us and also inform herself about the mosque in the news. After watching the grotesque drama this is what she said:

“A mosque of “fitna” (conflict) is not an auspicious place of worship. In any case, a Muslim can spread his prayer mat anywhere in the direction of Kaaba and say his namaz. A Hindu consecrates his idols in a temple.”

Muslims should, as an act of generosity, gift the disputed mosques in Ayodhya, Kashi and Mathura. “Hindu masses would be ecstatic.” I chose not to argue.

Maulana Kalbe Sadiq of the Personal Law Board, echoes the same sentiment.

“Even if Muslims win the case in the Supreme Court, they should make a gift of the land to the Hindus.” The Supreme Court can be the guarantor that communalism would not claim more monuments.

Masses will be electrified and communalists on all sides will be defeated, he says.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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AIADMK-BJP seat-sharing talks to be finalised soon, says Edappadi K Palaniswami after Amit Shah meet

AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami says seat-sharing talks with BJP are in final stages and will conclude within days ahead of Tamil Nadu 2026 elections.

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Signalling momentum ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Edappadi K Palaniswami on Friday said seat-sharing talks with the Bharatiya Janata Party would be finalised within four days following his meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi.

Palaniswami, who serves as the general secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, expressed confidence that negotiations would be concluded smoothly based on a “give-and-take” formula focused on winnability. He also took a swipe at the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, suggesting delays in its own alliance discussions.

Union Minister Piyush Goyal is expected to visit Chennai soon, further accelerating alliance-building efforts. The AIADMK is also preparing to release its election manifesto within a week.

Likely seat-sharing formula emerges

While Palaniswami did not reveal specific numbers, sources indicate the AIADMK is aiming to contest around 165 seats. The remaining seats could be distributed among allies, including the BJP, Pattali Makkal Katchi, Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam led by T T V Dhinakaran, and the Tamil Maanila Congress.

In the 2021 Assembly elections, the BJP and PMK had contested 20 and 23 seats respectively, securing four and five wins. The revised formula suggests a recalibration of alliance strengths ahead of the high-stakes 2026 polls.

‘Delhi visits necessary for coordination’

Responding to criticism over his frequent visits to the national capital, Palaniswami defended his outreach to BJP leadership. He said such meetings were necessary given the busy schedules of senior leaders like Amit Shah, who are handling elections across multiple states.

“I have come to meet Amit Shah twice, as he is busy with elections in five states,” he said, underlining the need for coordination at the national level.

No alliance with Vijay’s TVK

Dismissing speculation about new alliances, Palaniswami ruled out any talks with actor-turned-politician Vijay and his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam.

“Neither we nor TVK held talks,” he stated, indicating that the electoral contest would largely remain between the AIADMK-led and DMK-led fronts.

Criticism of DMK and internal damage control

Targeting the DMK government, Palaniswami alleged a deterioration in law and order, pointing to rising crimes against women and corruption. He also accused the government of failing to implement key welfare schemes.

At the same time, he sought to contain recent controversies involving AIADMK leaders, stating that former ministers who made objectionable remarks had acknowledged their mistakes and apologised.

High stakes for AIADMK and Palaniswami

The 2026 Assembly election is being seen as a crucial test for both the AIADMK and Palaniswami. Since the death of former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, the party has faced a series of electoral setbacks, including the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections and the 2021 Assembly polls.

The AIADMK had previously allied with the BJP in 2019 and 2021, a partnership often viewed as challenging in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, both parties contested separately but failed to secure victories.

For Palaniswami, the upcoming election represents a critical opportunity to establish his leadership and revive the party’s political standing.

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Deve Gowda hits back at Kharge’s married PM jibe, calls congress tie-up abusive relationship

HD Deve Gowda rebuts Mallikarjun Kharge’s remarks, saying JD(S) did not desert Congress and was forced to exit an “abusive” alliance.

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Former Prime Minister H. D. Deve Gowda has responded sharply to remarks made by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge in the Rajya Sabha, rejecting the suggestion that he chose to align with Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the Congress.

War of words in rajya sabha

During his farewell speech in the Upper House, Kharge made a light-hearted remark about Deve Gowda’s political journey, saying he had “dated” the Congress but ultimately “married” Modi. The comment drew laughter across the House, including from the Prime Minister, who was present at the time.

Kharge also noted his long association with Deve Gowda, saying he had known him for over five decades but was unsure why the Janata Dal (Secular) leader shifted alliances.

Deve gowda’s ‘forced marriage’ reply

In a statement issued later, Deve Gowda said he was not present in the House when the comment was made as he had left for Bengaluru for Ugadi celebrations. Responding in similar metaphorical language, he said his association with the Congress was a “forced marriage” that eventually turned into an “abusive relationship.”

He asserted that his party did not leave the Congress alliance, but was instead compelled to move on after being sidelined.

Reference to 2018 karnataka alliance

Deve Gowda also revisited the 2018 Karnataka political developments, stating that the Congress leadership, including Ghulam Nabi Azad, had proposed his son H. D. Kumaraswamy as Chief Minister. He claimed he had instead suggested Kharge’s name, in the presence of leaders like Siddaramaiah.

Despite this, Kumaraswamy eventually took charge as Chief Minister after the Congress-JD(S) alliance formed the government.

Alliance collapse and aftermath

The coalition government collapsed in 2019 after multiple MLAs from both parties defected, leading to the fall of the government. Deve Gowda alleged that the Congress failed to act against those responsible for triggering the defections.

He maintained that the breakdown of the alliance left JD(S) with no option but to seek a “more stable” political partnership later.

Political context

Deve Gowda briefly served as Prime Minister following the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, heading a United Front government supported by the Congress. His party later allied with the Congress in Karnataka in 2018 before parting ways after the coalition government’s collapse.

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Markets tumble as oil crosses $110, sensex falls over 1,900 points

Markets opened sharply lower with Sensex plunging over 1,900 points as crude oil crossed $110 and global factors weighed on sentiment.

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Indian stock markets opened sharply lower on Thursday, snapping a three-session gaining streak, as rising global crude oil prices and geopolitical tensions weighed heavily on investor sentiment.

Benchmark indices witnessed a gap-down opening, with the Sensex plunging over 1,900 points at the open, while the Nifty dropped more than 450 points. The decline follows reports of Iran targeting key energy infrastructure in the Gulf region, pushing Brent crude oil prices above the $110 per barrel mark.

At around 9:17 AM, the Sensex was trading at 75,235.05, down by 1,469.08 points. Meanwhile, the Nifty stood at 23,291.85, slipping 485.95 points.

Oil spike, global cues pressure equities

The surge in crude oil prices is a major concern for Indian markets, as higher oil costs can widen the current account deficit and fuel inflation. This often leads to cautious investor behaviour and triggers selling in equities.

Adding to the negative sentiment, the US Federal Reserve maintained its interest rates at current levels. Stable rates in the US tend to keep bond yields attractive, which can result in foreign institutional investors (FIIs) pulling money out of emerging markets like India.

Early indicators had already pointed to a weak start. GIFT Nifty futures were trading at 23,324, down 453 points, signalling a negative opening for domestic indices.

Expert view signals sectoral shift

According to InvestorAi’s strategic outlook, there has been a noticeable shift in market positioning towards IT large-cap stocks. The move reflects a preference for companies with stable earnings visibility, especially those earning in dollars amid a weakening rupee.

The analysis highlights that IT exporters benefit from currency depreciation, as revenues are largely dollar-denominated while costs remain in rupees. However, the outlook remains sensitive to crude prices. A sustained rise above $110 could force policy tightening and impact valuations.

Key stocks in focus

Among the top conviction picks highlighted:

  • Mphasis seen as a strong mid-cap IT play with AI and cloud exposure
  • Wipro emerging as a turnaround candidate with improving margins
  • TCS acting as a sector bellwether reflecting broader IT trends
  • PB Fintech offering a high-margin digital growth story
  • KEI Industries representing domestic infrastructure and electrification demand

What investors should watch

Market participants are closely tracking the rupee’s movement against the US dollar. A sustained breach beyond 90.5–91 levels could further support IT stocks but may also signal broader macroeconomic stress.

Additionally, crude oil prices and geopolitical developments will remain key triggers for market direction in the near term.

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