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The muddle of saffron socialism

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Modi greets BJP leaders on the occasion of the swearing-in of Adityanath Yogi, the new UP CM

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]The Modi plan for New India is based on a guided economy

By Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

The Congress party, the communists and others assumed that the pro-poor socialist agenda is theirs alone, and it is the weapon to be used against right-wing parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). That is why Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi as well as Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) general secretary Sitaram Yechury portray the BJP as anti-poor, pro-rich. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi has outflanked the traditional left-of-centre and left parties by appropriating the pro-poor, anti-rich slogan for his party, and going by the electoral success in Uttar Pradesh, it seems that it has worked. Modi has successfully forged socialism with BJP features and turned it into the standard of the party.

Modi has not invented socialism of the right. He has taken the idea from BJP/Jan Sangh ideologue Deen Dayal Upadhyay, from the rhetorical formulations of Swami Vivekananda about the need to serve the poor, apart from Gandhi’s idea of the rich being the custodians of the riches which are to be used for the poor. But he has consistently harped on his commitment and that of his party for the welfare of the poor. He has projected demonetisation as pro-poor-anti-rich, that is illicitly rich, measure. It remains a debatable point whether UP poll verdict is an endorsement of demonetisation as it is being made out to be in a knee-jerk fashion. The intent of the UP voter in voting overwhelmingly in favour of BJP is quite complex and it cannot be inferred as an approval of the nearly three-year Modi government at the Centre.  Demonetisation remains a wrong economic decision and an electoral victory cannot make it right. All that one can say about demonetisation and the UP electoral outcome, if there is any connection between the two, is that bad economics makes for good politics. Modi’s jibes against the critics of the measure will remain just that, jibes, and they do not alter unsoundness of the measure. As a matter of fact, it is the true measure of populism that it seeks vindication not in terms of its own inherent logic but in extraneous factor.

It will be difficult to label BJP as a Hindutva party alone any more, though it remains a Hindutva party in terms of realpolitik. It has become a populist party, and it is right-wing populism at that because it combines nationalism with egalitarianism of a kind. The dreaded word, national socialism, has to be used despite its negative connotations derived from the German experience with the Nazis, the National Socialists. Speaking at the victory celebration do at the party headquarters in New Delhi on Sunday (March 12) evening, Modi put forward a convoluted argument. He declared that the poor are not looking for sops but they want the state to provide them the opportunity to make their own fortune. The converse of the theorem is that once the poor are able to get on and get off on their own, the middle class need not carry the burden of national well-being. The underlying theme is quite evident: the tax-paying middle class is carrying the weight of welfare measures and subsidies.

If this is the rhetorical flourish of the prime minister, the thinking of Modi government at the policy level is to create a welfare state, which is administered by private entrepreneurs and not by the state, and which is supported by increased tax collections. The prime minister maintains a conspicuous silence on the tax booty, while Finance Minister Arun Jaitley is clearly looking for higher tax collections in order to finance welfare measures. The plan will come under stress if the economy does not grow, and tax buoyancy will disappear. The non-performing assets (NPAs) of the public sector banks are a sign of the stress in the financial system. Apart from the evils of crony capitalism that is behind part of the NPA story, there are issues of how the financial system is to bankroll the engines of economic growth. It can be seen in the last three years that public investment is carrying the burden of keeping the growth rate ticking, and there is no sign of private investment picking up. And then there are major problems involved in empowering the poor through educating them, skilling them, and by prodding investment that will create jobs for them. The economy is not at the beck and call of a leader or his party. And even the poor have their own ideas as to how they want to get ahead in their lives. They do not want a paternalist state to make them walk on the straight and narrow path of what the policy-makers believe to be the right path.  It is on the rocks of unbound reality that the best laid plans of the politicians break.

Modi’s vision of New India envisages a national economy managed by the state through private sector that will provide full employment. It is a socialist vision of an indirectly planned economy. It poses a challenge to those who hated the Congress variant of socialism, and despite the market meltdown of the last decade have not lost faith in the ideal of a free market economy. One of the reasons that pro-free marketers supported the BJP was their hope that the right-wing party will get rid the country of the state-controlled economy spawned by the Nehruvian socialists. They will now have to come to terms with the Modi plan of making the free market a handmaid of national power and pride and for serving the needs of the poor. Even if they now decide to become the foot soldiers of BJP’s nationalist socialism, it does not alter the ominous truth established by Friedrich Hayek in his 1944 book, Road to Serfdom. Socialism of any kind comes at the price of liberty.

If socialism as such has turned out to be a failed system, and it can now be argued that Nehruvian socialism could not have succeeded with the best of intentions, then it is inevitable that the epitaph for saffron socialism would have to be written as well, and that sooner than later. [/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Delhi High Court issues notice to Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi in National Herald case

Delhi High Court has sought responses from Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi on the ED’s plea challenging a trial court order in the National Herald case.

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The Delhi High Court has sought responses from Congress leaders Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi on a petition filed by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in connection with the National Herald case. The petition challenges a trial court order that refused to take cognisance of the agency’s prosecution complaint.

Justice Ravinder Dudeja issued notices to the Gandhis and other accused on the main petition, as well as on the ED’s application seeking a stay on the trial court’s December 16 order. The high court has listed the matter for further hearing on March 12, 2026.

The trial court had ruled that taking cognisance of the ED’s complaint was “impermissible in law” because the investigation was not based on a registered First Information Report (FIR). It observed that the prosecution complaint under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) was not maintainable in the absence of an FIR for a scheduled offence.

According to the order, the ED’s probe originated from a private complaint rather than an FIR. The court further noted that since cognisance was declined on a legal question, it was not necessary to examine the merits of the allegations at that stage.

The trial court also referred to the complaint filed by BJP leader Subramanian Swamy and the summoning order issued in 2014, stating that despite these developments, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) did not register an FIR in relation to the alleged scheduled offence.

The ED has accused Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, late Congress leaders Motilal Vora and Oscar Fernandes, Suman Dubey, Sam Pitroda, and a private company, Young Indian, of conspiracy and money laundering. The agency has alleged that properties worth around Rs 2,000 crore belonging to Associated Journals Limited (AJL), which publishes the National Herald newspaper, were acquired through Young Indian.

The agency further claimed that Sonia and Rahul Gandhi held a majority 76 per cent shareholding in Young Indian, which allegedly took over AJL’s assets in exchange for a Rs 90 crore loan.

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Yogi Adityanath’s do namoone remark sparks Akhilesh Yadav’s jab on BJP infighting

Yogi Adityanath’s ‘do namoone’ comment in the UP Assembly has been countered by Akhilesh Yadav, who termed it a confession of BJP’s internal power struggle.

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Yogi Adityanath

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s recent “do namoone” comment in the state Assembly has triggered a sharp political exchange, with Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav turning the remark into an attack on the Bharatiya Janata Party’s alleged internal discord.

The comment was made during a heated Assembly discussion on allegations of codeine cough syrup smuggling in Uttar Pradesh. Opposition members had accused the state government of inaction, claiming that timely steps could have saved the lives of several children. Rejecting the allegation outright, Adityanath said that no child in the state had died due to consumption of the cough syrup.

While responding to the opposition benches, the Chief Minister made an indirect jibe, saying there were “two namoone”, one in Delhi and one in Lucknow. Without naming anyone, he added that one of them leaves the country whenever there is a national debate, and suggested that a similar pattern applied to the Samajwadi Party leadership. The remark was widely interpreted as being aimed at Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav, a former Uttar Pradesh chief minister and current Lok Sabha MP

Akhilesh Yadav calls remark a ‘confession’

Akhilesh Yadav responded swiftly on social media, calling Adityanath’s statement a “confession” that exposed an alleged power struggle within the BJP. He said that those holding constitutional posts should maintain decorum and accused the ruling party of bringing its internal disputes into the public domain. Yadav posted his response shortly after the Chief Minister shared a video clip of the Assembly remarks online.

The Samajwadi Party has, on several occasions, claimed that there is a tussle between the Uttar Pradesh government and the BJP’s central leadership. Party leaders have cited the appointment of deputy chief ministers and certain bureaucratic decisions as evidence of attempts to curtail the Chief Minister’s authority.

Adityanath has consistently dismissed these claims, maintaining that he holds the post because of the party’s trust in him. The latest exchange has once again brought the narrative of BJP infighting into political focus, even as both sides continue to trade barbs ahead of key electoral contests

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Sonia Gandhi calls weakening of MGNREGA a collective moral failure, targets Centre in op-ed

Sonia Gandhi has accused the Centre of weakening MGNREGA, calling it a collective moral failure with serious consequences for crores of working people.

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Sonia Gandhi

Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi has sharply criticised the Central government over what she described as the steady dismantling of rights-based legislation, with a particular focus on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

In a recent opinion article published in a leading English daily, Sonia Gandhi argued that MGNREGA was envisioned as more than a welfare measure. She said the rural employment scheme gave legal backing to the constitutional right to work and was rooted in Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of Sarvodaya, or welfare for all.

Calling its weakening a serious failure, she wrote that the decline of MGNREGA represents a “collective moral failure” that will have lasting financial and human consequences for crores of working people across India. She stressed that safeguarding such rights-based frameworks is crucial at a time when, according to her, multiple protections are under strain.

Concerns raised over education, environment and land laws

Sonia Gandhi also flagged concerns beyond rural employment. Referring to education policy, she claimed that the Right to Education has been undermined following the National Education Policy 2020, alleging that it has led to the closure of around one lakh primary schools across the country.

On environmental and land-related legislation, she stated that the Forest Rights Act, 2006, was weakened through the Forest (Conservation) Rules, 2022. According to her, these changes removed the role of the gram sabha in decisions related to the diversion of forest land.

She further alleged that the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act has been significantly diluted, while adding that the National Green Tribunal has seen its authority reduced over the years.

Warning on agriculture and food security laws

Touching upon agriculture reforms, Sonia Gandhi referred to the now-repealed three farm laws, claiming they were an attempt to deny farmers the right to a minimum support price. She also cautioned that the National Food Security Act, 2013, could face similar threats in the future.

Reiterating her central argument, she urged unity to protect statutory rights, stating that the erosion of such laws has implications that extend well beyond policy, affecting livelihoods and dignity on the ground.

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