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Conrad Sangma to be Meghalaya CM, BJP to join ruling alliance

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Conrad Sangma to be Meghalaya CM, BJP to join ruling alliance

By Puneet Nicholas Yadav

In scenario reminiscent of Manipur and Goa elections, despite emerging as the single largest party, Congress loses the number game for government formation

A sense of déjà vu must have hit the Congress leadership hard late on Sunday evening as its chance at retaining power in Meghalaya after emerging as the single largest party following Saturday’s assembly poll results was literally snatched away by the Conrad Sangma-led National People’s Party (NPP).

The BJP, which had comprehensively won Tripura and managed to storm in to power in Nagaland through its pre-poll alliance with the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) but bagged only two seats in the 60-member Meghalaya assembly, will predictably be part of the NPP-led coalition. Becoming part of the Conrad Sangma-led Meghalaya government, the BJP squares off its high-pitched poll campaign in India’s north-east with its intended goal – resoundingly establishing its political dominance in a territory where till just five years ago it s vote share wouldn’t even go beyond two per cent.

For the Congress, Conrad Sangma’s ascension to the Meghalaya chief minister’s chair with the help of an opportunistic rainbow coalition of political expediency is reminiscent of the shrewd machinations by the BJP which cobbled together an alliance in Manipur and Goa last year to come to power despite the Grand Old Party having won greater numbers in the assembly polls to these states.

The Congress had appeared to be more proactive in Meghalaya than it was in Goa and Manipur. As soon as it became clear on Saturday that the state was heading towards a hung verdict, the party high command dispatched senior leaders Ahmed Patel, Kamal Nath and CP Joshi to Shillong.

However, the three veterans failed to persuade outfits like the United Democratic Party (UDP), Hill State People’s Democratic Party (HSPDP) and the People’s Democratic Front (PDF) – the three parties accounted for 12 legislators among them – to support the 20 Congress legislators led by outgoing chief minister Mukul Sangma for a shot at power. Had these outfits agreed – the UDP and HSPDP had anyway contested the polls in an alliance – and supported Mukul Sangma’s bid at retaining power, the Congress would have crossed the magic figure of 31 legislators required for a simple majority in the Meghalaya assembly.

Congress insiders, however, told India Legal that Patel and Nath were aware even before landing in Shillong that the possibility of stitching together a post-poll alliance in Meghalaya with Mukul Sangma at the helm would be an almost insurmountable task if the party’s tally was restricted to below 25 MLAs. The Congress’ march eventually stopped at 21 seats.

In the past eight years that Mukul Sangma was the state’s chief minister, he had managed to alienate leaders of the opposition outfits that the Congress’ central leaders now wanted to broker an alliance with. His authoritarian and arrogant working style had, in the past few months leading up to the elections, triggered resignations by several Congress loyalists including his deputy chief minister Rowell Lyngdoh and ministers Prestone Tynsong, AL Hek and Sniawbhalang Dhar. The NPP, BJP and other regional parties were only too happy to absorb these disgruntled Congress leaders who had massive grassroots support in their respective constituencies.

Congress sources told India Legal that Patel and Nath offered plum portfolios to leaders of regional outfits besides assuring them of other “advantages” of joining a post-poll alliance. However, these leaders made it clear to the Congress veterans that they were committed to seeing Mukul’s ouster and would rather be part of an alliance with the BJP as the saffron party had “more to offer to the state” as it also led the central government. As it became abundantly clear that efforts to broker a post-poll pact with the regional outfits were futile, Patel and Nath “fulfilled the formality” of meeting the state’s governor Ganga Prasad on Saturday night and requested him to invite Mukul Sangma as the leader of the single largest party to stake his claim for forming a government before flying back to New Delhi.

The BJP, which had already prepared its script for such a post-poll scenario even before the election for Meghalaya was announced, then began the final lap of its parleys with the regional outfits.

Though it bagged only two assembly seats in Meghalaya and a total vote share of a mere 9.6 per cent, the BJP became the glue that bound a non-Congress front led by Conrad Sangma’s NPP together. Himanta Biswa Sarma, the man who had quit the Congress two years ago after being “humiliated by Rahul Gandhi” and joined the BJP with the stated objective of ensuring that the Congress faces a rout in its traditional citadel of the north-eastern states, reached out to leaders of the UDP-HSPDP alliance. Though the UDP did not enter into a pre-poll alliance with the BJP, it was always clear that in case of a hung assembly it would align itself with the saffron party. The UDP is, in fact, a part of the BJP-engineered North East Democratic Alliance which is headed by Sarma. Sources said that Sarma was even instrumental in ensuring that the UDP-HSPDP candidates were not short of funds during the elections.

Unlike Tripura and Nagaland where the BJP did put in enormous effort, money and of course its characteristic skulduggery at winning seats, the saffron party knew that its chances of scoring a victory on its own in Meghalaya was not easy as the state still had a strong Congress presence. Sources say Sarma along with central BJP leaders Ram Madhav and Nalin Kohli had already reached an understanding with the NPP before the polls.

The NPP was founded by former Meghalaya chief minister late PA Sangma. PA Sangma had quit the Congress to co-found the NCP with Sharad Pawar. The NCP had gone on to join the Congress-led UPA in 2004 and 2009. PA Sangma had buried his grudge against the Congress and its then president Sonia Gandhi who had reciprocated the gesture by ensuring that his daughter Agatha served as a junior minister in UPA-II despite her obvious political and administrative inexperience. However, when his political ambitions resurfaced and egged him to challenge UPA’s presidential nominee Pranab Mukherjee, PA Sangma was forced to quit the NCP though Agatha continued in the party as well as the Congress-led UPA government. PA Sangma’s unsuccessful presidential bid had the support of the BJP and when he formed the NPP, his son Conrad – presently Lok Sabha MP from Meghalaya’s Tura constituency – and daughter Agatha, ensured that their political equations with the saffron party remained thick.

It was this political investment made by the BJP during PA Sangma’s presidential bid that Himanta Biswa Sarma, Ram Madhav and Nalin Kohli decided to cash when they approached Conrad for the post-poll alliance. Ambitious and with an axe to grind against the Congress, Conrad readily agreed and BJP ensured that when he approached the Governor on Sunday evening to stake claim to power, the NPP had the added support of not just the otherwise insignificant two BJP legislators but also of MLAs from the UDP-HSPDP alliance.Conrad will now have to resign from his Lok Sabha seat within six months of taking oath as the chief minister and be elected as an MLA in the Meghalaya Assembly. It is expected that his sister Agatha, the newly elected MLA from south Tura constituency will swap seats with Conrad; contesting the imminent Lok Sabha bypoll from Tura while Conrad fights the bye-election from south Tura assembly seat.

The BJP may have made genuinely impressive electoral strides in Tripura and Nagaland but its real political cunning is most evident in Meghalaya where now, with just two MLAs, it can still claim to be “in power”, while the Congress – despite being the single largest party – has to eat the humble pie and grace the Opposition benches, nursing its wounds till the next assembly polls, or perhaps till such a time when one of the several alliance partners of the soon-to-be-sworn-in Conrad Sangma government becomes disenchanted and decides to jump ship. Not an unlikely scenario in the north-east where entire legislative parties have been known to shift political affiliations overnight.

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Delhi CM Atishi accuses BJP’s Parvesh Verma of distributing cash to voters in Kejriwal’s constituency

Kejriwal also hinted that the BJP might declare Parvesh Verma as their chief ministerial candidate, questioning whether the people of Delhi would want such a leader.

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Delhi Chief Minister Atishi on Wednesday accused BJP leader Parvesh Verma of handing out cash to women in New Delhi, the constituency represented by Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) convenor Arvind Kejriwal.

During a press conference, Atishi claimed that Rs 1,100 was distributed to women from slum areas at Verma’s residence in Windsor Place, with their voter ID details being recorded. She stated, “The BJP is distributing money and checking voter cards in the New Delhi assembly constituency, where Arvind Kejriwal is a candidate.

Today, Parvesh Verma was caught red-handed giving out money at his official residence, money he received as an MP. Women from various slums in the New Delhi area were called there and handed Rs 1,100 in an envelope,” ANI reported her as saying.

Earlier in the day, Kejriwal had alleged that women voters in his constituency were being paid Rs 1,100 for their votes. “I have just returned from several areas in my New Delhi Vidhan Sabha constituency, and everywhere I went, people told me that these individuals are openly buying votes, paying Rs 1,100 for each vote. People said they would take the money but wouldn’t vote for them,” he posted on X.

Kejriwal also hinted that the BJP might declare Parvesh Verma as their chief ministerial candidate, questioning whether the people of Delhi would want such a leader.

In response to the accusations, Parvesh Verma stated that the money was distributed as part of a campaign by ‘Rashtriya Swabhiman’, an NGO founded by his late father, former Delhi Chief Minister Sahib Singh Verma.

“I see the struggles faced by women that Arvind Kejriwal has ignored for 11 years. They have been suffering, so I decided to support them with Rs 1,100 per month. Unlike Arvind Kejriwal, I am not distributing liquor; I am glad to be able to help people,” he said.

Verma added that the Rashtriya Swabhiman has been actively involved in community support, including redevelopment efforts in villages affected by disasters. Elections for the 70-member Delhi Assembly are scheduled for February next year.

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Yogi Adityanath says Congress insulting Ambedkar since Nehru days

Adityanath pointed to examples of Congress’ alleged negligence, including its initial hesitance to include Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly and the Drafting Committee, crediting Mahatma Gandhi for securing Ambedkar’s position.

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Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Tuesday hit out at the Congress, accusing it of disrespecting B.R. Ambedkar, the principal architect of the Indian Constitution, both during his life and after his death.

During a press conference held at his official residence at 5 Kalidas Marg, he also claimed that Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister, opposed Ambedkar’s inclusion in the Constitution Drafting Committee.

Adityanath’s comments came in the wake of a controversy sparked by Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s remarks about Ambedkar in the Rajya Sabha last week. Surrounded by ministers Swatantra Dev Singh and Asim Arun, the Chief Minister emphasised that the purpose of the press conference was to reveal what he called the unethical and unconstitutional actions of Congress and other opposition parties against Ambedkar.

“Dr. B.R. Ambedkar played a pivotal role in India’s freedom struggle, the formulation of the Constitution, and the foundational years of an independent India. Despite facing numerous societal challenges, he achieved the highest accolades in law, finance, and economics. His contributions to the nation are unmatched, and he is deeply revered by every Indian,” Adityanath stated.

He contrasted the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) respect for Ambedkar with the Congress party’s history of disrespect. Adityanath highlighted the BJP’s initiatives to honor Ambedkar’s legacy, including memorials in significant locations like Mhow, Nagpur, Mumbai, and London, where Ambedkar pursued his studies.

“Under BJP leadership, from Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s time to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tenure, we have made every effort to uphold Ambedkar’s ideals. In stark contrast, the Congress has consistently insulted him and minimised his contributions,” he asserted.

Adityanath pointed to examples of Congress’ alleged negligence, including its initial hesitance to include Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly and the Drafting Committee, crediting Mahatma Gandhi for securing Ambedkar’s position.

He also recalled an incident during the UPA regime when a textbook depicted a derogatory cartoon of Ambedkar being prodded by Nehru, which was withdrawn only after widespread protests, leading to an apology from then HRD Minister Kapil Sibal.

The Chief Minister claimed that the Congress worked to defeat Ambedkar in elections, including the 1952 general elections for the Mumbai North constituency and the 1954 by-elections.

He alleged that even Nehru campaigned against Ambedkar to ensure his loss, asserting that the Congress consistently aimed to silence the voices of Dalits and marginalized communities.

Adityanath also criticised the Congress for not granting national honors to Ambedkar during his lifetime, stating, “It was only when a government supported by the BJP came to power that Ambedkar was finally awarded the Bharat Ratna.”

He further emphasised the BJP’s commitment to realizing Ambedkar’s vision through programs aimed at benefiting Dalits and marginalized groups, reiterating the party’s dedication to preserving Ambedkar’s legacy while accusing the Congress of ongoing disrespect and divisive politics.

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Government set to table One Nation, One Election bill in Lok Sabha on December 16

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Parliament Winter Session: Lok Sabha speaker warns opposition, No-Confidence motion against Rajya Sabha Chairman

The stage is set for a major legislative push by the central government as two bills related to the ambitious “One Nation, One Election” initiative are scheduled for introduction in the Lok Sabha on Monday, December 16.

Union Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal is expected to present The Constitution (129th Amendment) Bill and The Union Territories Laws (Amendment) Bill, marking a significant step towards implementing simultaneous Lok Sabha and state legislative assembly elections.

On Thursday, the Union Cabinet, chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, gave its nod to the constitutional amendment bill that seeks to align elections for the Lok Sabha and state assemblies. This decision underscores the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s commitment to its long-standing agenda of electoral synchronization, aimed at reducing the frequency of polls and associated costs.

The Cabinet also approved a supplementary bill to amend specific provisions related to three Union territories with legislative assemblies—Delhi, Puducherry, and Jammu & Kashmir. This aligns their governance framework with the overarching constitutional amendments proposed under the “One Nation, One Election” initiative.

The constitutional amendment bill aims to streamline the electoral calendar by establishing a legal framework for conducting Lok Sabha and state assembly elections simultaneously. However, the government has, for now, opted to exclude local body polls, such as those for municipalities and panchayats, from this framework. A high-level committee chaired by former President Ram Nath Kovind had earlier suggested a phased approach to include local elections in the future.

The concept of “One Nation, One Election” has been a focal point in political discourse, with proponents arguing it will enhance governance by reducing electoral disruptions and fostering policy stability. Critics, however, have raised concerns about the logistical and constitutional challenges of synchronizing diverse electoral cycles across India’s federal structure.

This legislative development will undoubtedly dominate parliamentary discussions as political parties prepare to deliberate on the feasibility and implications of reshaping India’s electoral landscape.

The introduction of these bills is expected to spark robust debate, with the government emphasizing the potential benefits of reduced administrative burdens and streamlined governance, while opposition parties scrutinize its impact on India’s democratic fabric.

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