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CPM to lose its best voice in RS, denies 3rd RS term to Sitaram Yechury

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CPM to lose its best voice in RS, denies 3rd RS term to Yechury

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Struggling for political survival, Bengal and Kerala factions of the party fail to rise above their internal squabbles

By Puneet Nicholas Yadav

On Tuesday, after a prolonged debate among its senior leadership at the two-day-long Central Committee meeting of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), Sitaram Yechury – who is also the party’s chief and the Left Front’s most prolific and cogent speaker in Parliament – was denied a third re-nomination to the Rajya Sabha.

Sources within the senior CPM leadership confirmed that it was the Kerala faction of the party – led by chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan and with the backing of former party general secretary Prakash Karat – that queered the pitch for Yechury’s re-entry to the Upper House. Former Kerala chief minister, VS Achuthanandan, who in April 2015 was instrumental in getting Yechury elected as the party chief despite opposition from the Kerala faction, too could not help defeat the Vijayan-Karat lobby this time.

To be fair, Yechury had himself never officially demanded a third term. On the contrary, he had made it clear that he would not violate the party’s norm of not giving any member more than two terms in the Rajya Sabha. But then, the Bengal faction of the party – which is known for its allegiance to Yechury and an equal contempt for the Karat-Kerala party axis – had for over two months been pressing for breaking with the party norm and re-nominating the general secretary to the Upper House, given the major challenges that the Left parties face today: from the Narendra Modi-led BJP at the Centre and the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress in Bengal.

For a party that has for long had an internal discourse of political pragmatism and tactical decision-making, the denial of a Rajya Sabha berth to Yechury comes as arguably the third biggest political blunder in Left politics. The first being their collective decision of disallowing then West Bengal chief minister Jyoti Basu from becoming Prime Minister in 1996 of a broad anti-BJP coalition and then, a little over a decade later, under the leadership of Yechury’s predecessor, Prakash Karat, of withdrawing support to the Congress-led UPA-I government of Dr Manmohan Singh in the aftermath of the Indo-US Nuclear Deal.

At a time when the Left parties in general, and CPM in particular, are facing their most grave fight for survival, not allowing the combined Left Front’s most prolific and cogent orator – who enjoys the respect and admiration of parliamentarians cutting across party lines – to re-enter Rajya Sabha as an MP, is certain to cost the CPM-Left narrative very dear.

A senior party leader who also supported a third term for Yechury said: “those who opposed his nomination to the Rajya Sabha either do not realize the cost of their action or have knowingly put the party in a far more perilous political spot than breaking the 2-term norm would ever have”.

Another party leader explained: “The CPM today needs to have a leader who can not only put the party’s stand on crucial issues coherently on the floor of Parliament but also reach out to other like-minded parties to build a strong narrative to counter the BJP-NDA combine. Yechury is that man but unfortunately internal feuds and ambitions of a few leaders prevailed over pragmatism at the CC meet.”

It is widely known now that Vijayan categorically rejected the Bengal faction’s plea for giving Yechury a third term and rallied the Karat/Kerala faction against the proposal. In an interview to the Indian Express, even before the CC had taken its final decision, Vijayan gave two key reasons for not allowing Yechury to be re-nominated: first, that the party was averse to taking the Congress’ support in Bengal assembly to ensure Yechury’s victory in the RS poll due in August and second, that since Yechury is party general secretary he would not be able to give his full attention to the role if he continued to be a parliamentarian.

Vijayan’s rationale sounds more hypocritical than pragmatic, say those who supported a third term for Yechury. “It is known that in Kerala, Congress has been our principal political rival but then in Bengal we fought the last assembly polls in an alliance. In Parliament too, the Congress and Left parties have stood together on a wide array of issues to counter the Modi government. So this argument of not taking the Congress’ support for Yechury’s election is flawed to begin with. Secondly, Yechury has been the party chief and an MP for over two years and has discharged both roles with equal dedication so what has changed now?” said a senior CPM leader.

For the Left, the absence of Yechury from Rajya Sabha would no doubt come at a heavy price. The Congress, which was set to support Yechury in the RS polls, is not likely to support any other Left candidate from Bengal. It seems to have made and received positive overtures from Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress for nominating Meira Kumar – as a reward for standing in the Presidential polls against BJP nominee Ram Nath Kovind and losing with the lowest margin in nearly five decades – to Rajya Sabha from Bengal. The Left is set to not only lose its best speaker in Parliament but also a seat that it could have easily won if it had allowed Yechury to contest.

Indications from both Kerala and Bengal are that the BJP is on an upswing in both the states that have hitherto been the only surviving bastions of Left politics (though Bengal has been lost since Banerjee’s victory and the north-eastern state of Tripura sadly doesn’t give the CPM any political heft at a national level).[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Yogi Adityanath hits back after Akhilesh Yadav says organising cabinet meeting at Kumbh is political

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

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The political atmosphere in Uttar Pradesh sizzled as Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath launched a blistering attack on Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, accusing him of disrespecting the Maha Kumbh and the religious sentiments of the Indian people. This sharp rebuke, delivered during a public rally in Milkipur ahead of crucial by-elections, followed Yadav’s criticism of the state government holding a cabinet meeting at the Kumbh Mela site.

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

He further escalated his attack, painting the Samajwadi Party as being mired in internal property disputes and insinuating connections to criminal elements, thereby attempting to discredit Yadav’s criticisms as coming from a morally compromised position.

Yadav’s initial criticism focused on the perceived impropriety of holding a cabinet meeting within the sacred space of the Kumbh Mela. He argued that the government was inappropriately using a religious event for political purposes, a charge that Adityanath vehemently rejected.

The Uttar Pradesh cabinet meeting itself was significant. All 54 ministers attended, approving numerous development schemes designed to boost Prayagraj and the surrounding region.

A key announcement involved extending the Ganga Expressway, a crucial infrastructure project designed to connect Prayagraj, Mirzapur, Bhadohi, Kashi, Chandauli, and ultimately, the Purvanchal Expressway in Ghazipur. This ambitious project, Adityanath claimed, would significantly contribute to sustainable development in the region.

Logistical adjustments were made to minimize disruption to the Kumbh Mela pilgrims. The cabinet meeting’s venue was shifted from the Mela Authority Auditorium to the Triveni Sankul in Arail to avoid inconveniencing devotees and managing the security arrangements for the VIP attendees.

The day concluded with Adityanath and his entire cabinet participating in the Kumbh Mela’s sacred rituals, taking a ceremonial dip in the Triveni Sangam. This highly publicized event, mirroring a similar participation in 2019, served as a powerful visual counterpoint to Yadav’s earlier criticism. The event simultaneously showcased the government’s commitment to religious traditions while promoting its developmental agenda.

The clash between Adityanath and Yadav underscores the deep political divisions and the strategic use of religious symbolism in Uttar Pradesh’s political landscape. The Maha Kumbh, a significant religious event, became a battleground for political point-scoring, highlighting the complex interplay between religion and politics in the state.

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Delhi Assembly elections: BJP promises free education and student aid, AAP raises concerns

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Arvind Kejriwal addressing media after writing to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on BJP’s alleged electoral misconduct

As Delhi gears up for the upcoming assembly elections on February 5, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) released the second installment of its election manifesto, promising comprehensive solutions to citizen issues and tackling misgovernance and corruption allegations against the incumbent Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

The manifesto, dubbed ‘sankalp patra,’ includes significant pledges such as free education from pre-school to postgraduate levels for needy students at government institutions, and a financial package comprising Rs 15,000 and travel reimbursements for young individuals taking entrance exams. Scheduled Caste students enrolled in technical and professional courses are also promised a monthly stipend of Rs 1,000.

Building on their first manifesto which targeted women voters, the BJP’s latest promises focus on the youth, with over 1.5 lakh set to benefit from a new skills training program. This release follows criticisms by AAP of the BJP’s approach, especially after the tragic incident last July where three civil service aspirants lost their lives due to flooding.

Anurag Thakur, former Union Minister, emphasized the ‘Modi ki guarantee’ assurance, stating these initiatives would be implemented swiftly if the BJP is elected. The manifesto also includes welfare measures for domestic workers and insurance schemes for auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers, who have traditionally been a strong support base for AAP.

In response, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal critiqued the BJP’s plans, particularly highlighting a clause that, according to him, would limit free education to only “eligible” children, deviating from AAP’s policy of universal free education. Kejriwal also recalled BJP’s earlier statement on discontinuing free healthcare, framing these promises as a threat to the financial stability of Delhi’s households.

The AAP’s counter-campaign warns voters that electing BJP could lead to increased living costs and bureaucratic hurdles in accessing education and healthcare, urging the electorate to consider these factors carefully. With the election results due on February 8, both parties continue to vie for public favor through promises aimed at key demographics.

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Uttarakhand State cabinet approves uniform civil code manual, dates for rollout soon

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Pushkar Singh Dhami

In a significant step toward legal reform, the Uttarakhand Cabinet, led by Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami, has approved the manual for the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code (UCC). The approval came during a Cabinet meeting held at the state secretariat on Monday. The dates for the rollout of the UCC will be announced soon.

This decision follows partial amendments made to the rules previously drafted for the UCC’s implementation. The amendments were thoroughly examined and finalised with input from the Law Department, with the Cabinet’s discussion focusing on the smooth execution of the law.

Post-meeting, Chief Minister Dhami expressed his satisfaction with the progress, underlining the government’s commitment to fulfilling a key electoral promise. “We had assured the people of Uttarakhand during the 2022 elections that the UCC would be implemented promptly once our government came to power. With the draft committee’s work complete, we are now closer to fulfilling that promise,” Dhami stated.

Uttarakhand’s implementation of the UCC will make it the first state in India to adopt a comprehensive civil law framework for all religious communities. The UCC aims to standardize laws in areas such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption, and maintenance. While India already has a Uniform Criminal Code, a unified civil law has not existed until now.

The UCC will explicitly exclude tribal communities and prohibit practices such as ‘halala’, ‘iddat’, and ‘talaq’, which are part of Muslim Personal Law. The law itself consists of 392 sections and is divided into seven schedules. The comprehensive 750-page draft, which spans four volumes, was prepared by a five-member expert committee formed in June 2022 to examine the feasibility of introducing the UCC in Uttarakhand.

Led by Retired Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai, the committee submitted the final draft to the state government on February 2, 2024. The draft received approval from the state Cabinet on February 4, followed by ratification by the state Assembly during a special session. Governor Lt. Gen Gurmit Singh (Retd) gave the green light on February 28, marking the UCC’s passage into law, a move hailed as a historic milestone in Indian legal history.

While the implementation dates are yet to be finalized, the Cabinet’s approval signals that Uttarakhand is poised to set a significant legal precedent in India.

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