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Five states Assembly Polls: Far cry from BJP dream of ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’

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[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]While the final results would come in, in an hour or so, the trends are clear and some broad conclusions can be drawn from the available facts.

First and foremost, the BJP is nowhere near achieving Amit Shah’s declared aim of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’ (Congress-less Bharat). Rather, in a belt cutting across the middle of India’s map, it is the BJP that got a bloody nose and lost out to the grand old party in a direct contest. The Congress is, thus, very much in the game.

The elections also signify the erosion of ‘Modi magic’ and the halt of the ‘wave’ that BJP has been raucously shouting about.

These were state elections, and local factors – especially the fact that BJP had been in power in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, three terms in a row in the latter two – mattered heavily. However, Prime Minster Narendra Modi’s hectic campaigning in all these states put his own status at stake. Not only was he projected as the ‘winning factor’ by the BJP, he himself went around declaring that it was a contest between ‘naamdar’ (referring to Rahul Gandhi, implying he owes his status to his family’s name) and ‘kaamdaar’ (Modi himself).

Taking him at his own word, Modi has been made to bite the dust.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi has reasons to be happy. His critics had often mocked that the Congress under him has never won any election. These results have wiped out that ‘stigma, and how!

The results boost the Congress morale but, going by the nature of the party, that is about all. It is not likely to learn any lessons. Rather, the results may also boost the ‘negatives’ in the party. Essentially – and increasingly – opportunist now, it could become more convinced about going the ‘Hindutva’ way.

The Congress may also become less accommodating to allies and hamper the formation of an alliance against the BJP for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

Chhattisgarh

Belying every analyst and pollster’s prediction, the Congress is way ahead of BJP in Chhattisgarh, with a 10 per cent lead over BJP in vote share (43% against 33%).The biggest casualty in this tribal state is Ajit Jogi, whose Janta Congress Chhattisgarh failed miserably in making an impact and didn’t even get into double digits in an assembly of 90.

   

(Source: Election Commission website at 5:15pm)

 Rajasthan

In Rajasthan, again, the trends do not match the forecasts. While the Congress is ahead, the BJP has not done very badly – despite palpable anti-incumbency factor against the Vasundhara Raje government. The Congress managed a slender majority rather than the landslide win many had expected. The Congress vote share was 39.1% against BJP’s 38.6% – a margin of only 0.5%.

(Source: Election Commission website at 5:15pm)

Madhya Pradesh

In Madhya Pradesh, the Congress edged ahead of BJP in a close, see-saw contest and was past the midway mark of 115 – with leads in 117 seats at 5pm. A party needs 116 seats for a majority in the 230-member assembly. In terms of vote share, the BJP and Congress were tied at 41.4% each.

(Source: Election Commission website at 5:15pm)

Telangana

In Telangana, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao’s (KCR) Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) was headed for a thumping majority. KCR’s gamble to call for early elections has paid off and the state has stayed with the party credited for its formation. TRS has its candidates ahead in nearly 90 constituencies with a vote share of 47.1%.

The state witnessed a two-way fight between TRS and Praja Kutami, or the grand alliance, which includes Congress, Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Telangana Jan Samithi (TJS) and CPI.

The BJP contested the state alone with the TDP walking out of National Democratic Alliance earlier this year. People’s Front ally TDP is heading in one and Owaisi’s AIMIM that backed TRS in five.

(Source: Election Commission website at 5:15pm)

Mizoram

In Mizoram, the regional Mizo National Front has dislodged the Congress government.

MNF president and former Mizoram chief minister Zoramthanga, who ran the state between 1998 and 2008, was reported by NDTV as saying, “I have a strong belief that I don’t need any other party and particularly the BJP to form government.”

Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, who contested from Champhai South and Serchhip, has lost both the seats. He lost Champhai to Mizo National Front’s (MNF) TJ Lalnuntluanga, while Serchhip was snatched by Zoram People’s Movement’s (ZPM) chief ministerial candidate Lalduhoma.

The 76-year-old Congress leader has been the chief minister since December 2008. In the 2013 assembly elections, he became the chief minister for the fifth time, a record in Mizoram.

The state with a population of about 10 lakh is seen by the BJP as the “final frontier” in the northeast as it is in power in all other states of the region — either by winning polls or aligning with regional parties.

The MNF, which has been out of power for 10 years, has been optimistic about the win. Their hope is hinged on the history of the state where governments change every 10 years.

(Source: Election Commission website at 5:15pm)[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Yogi Adityanath hits back after Akhilesh Yadav says organising cabinet meeting at Kumbh is political

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

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The political atmosphere in Uttar Pradesh sizzled as Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath launched a blistering attack on Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav, accusing him of disrespecting the Maha Kumbh and the religious sentiments of the Indian people. This sharp rebuke, delivered during a public rally in Milkipur ahead of crucial by-elections, followed Yadav’s criticism of the state government holding a cabinet meeting at the Kumbh Mela site.

Adityanath juxtaposed the global acclaim for the Maha Kumbh with Yadav’s condemnation, portraying it as a symptom of the Samajwadi Party’s alleged long-standing opposition to significant religious symbols such as the Ram Mandir and Kashi Vishwanath Temple.

He further escalated his attack, painting the Samajwadi Party as being mired in internal property disputes and insinuating connections to criminal elements, thereby attempting to discredit Yadav’s criticisms as coming from a morally compromised position.

Yadav’s initial criticism focused on the perceived impropriety of holding a cabinet meeting within the sacred space of the Kumbh Mela. He argued that the government was inappropriately using a religious event for political purposes, a charge that Adityanath vehemently rejected.

The Uttar Pradesh cabinet meeting itself was significant. All 54 ministers attended, approving numerous development schemes designed to boost Prayagraj and the surrounding region.

A key announcement involved extending the Ganga Expressway, a crucial infrastructure project designed to connect Prayagraj, Mirzapur, Bhadohi, Kashi, Chandauli, and ultimately, the Purvanchal Expressway in Ghazipur. This ambitious project, Adityanath claimed, would significantly contribute to sustainable development in the region.

Logistical adjustments were made to minimize disruption to the Kumbh Mela pilgrims. The cabinet meeting’s venue was shifted from the Mela Authority Auditorium to the Triveni Sankul in Arail to avoid inconveniencing devotees and managing the security arrangements for the VIP attendees.

The day concluded with Adityanath and his entire cabinet participating in the Kumbh Mela’s sacred rituals, taking a ceremonial dip in the Triveni Sangam. This highly publicized event, mirroring a similar participation in 2019, served as a powerful visual counterpoint to Yadav’s earlier criticism. The event simultaneously showcased the government’s commitment to religious traditions while promoting its developmental agenda.

The clash between Adityanath and Yadav underscores the deep political divisions and the strategic use of religious symbolism in Uttar Pradesh’s political landscape. The Maha Kumbh, a significant religious event, became a battleground for political point-scoring, highlighting the complex interplay between religion and politics in the state.

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Delhi Assembly elections: BJP promises free education and student aid, AAP raises concerns

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Arvind Kejriwal addressing media after writing to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on BJP’s alleged electoral misconduct

As Delhi gears up for the upcoming assembly elections on February 5, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) released the second installment of its election manifesto, promising comprehensive solutions to citizen issues and tackling misgovernance and corruption allegations against the incumbent Aam Aadmi Party (AAP).

The manifesto, dubbed ‘sankalp patra,’ includes significant pledges such as free education from pre-school to postgraduate levels for needy students at government institutions, and a financial package comprising Rs 15,000 and travel reimbursements for young individuals taking entrance exams. Scheduled Caste students enrolled in technical and professional courses are also promised a monthly stipend of Rs 1,000.

Building on their first manifesto which targeted women voters, the BJP’s latest promises focus on the youth, with over 1.5 lakh set to benefit from a new skills training program. This release follows criticisms by AAP of the BJP’s approach, especially after the tragic incident last July where three civil service aspirants lost their lives due to flooding.

Anurag Thakur, former Union Minister, emphasized the ‘Modi ki guarantee’ assurance, stating these initiatives would be implemented swiftly if the BJP is elected. The manifesto also includes welfare measures for domestic workers and insurance schemes for auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers, who have traditionally been a strong support base for AAP.

In response, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal critiqued the BJP’s plans, particularly highlighting a clause that, according to him, would limit free education to only “eligible” children, deviating from AAP’s policy of universal free education. Kejriwal also recalled BJP’s earlier statement on discontinuing free healthcare, framing these promises as a threat to the financial stability of Delhi’s households.

The AAP’s counter-campaign warns voters that electing BJP could lead to increased living costs and bureaucratic hurdles in accessing education and healthcare, urging the electorate to consider these factors carefully. With the election results due on February 8, both parties continue to vie for public favor through promises aimed at key demographics.

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Uttarakhand State cabinet approves uniform civil code manual, dates for rollout soon

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Pushkar Singh Dhami

In a significant step toward legal reform, the Uttarakhand Cabinet, led by Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami, has approved the manual for the implementation of the Uniform Civil Code (UCC). The approval came during a Cabinet meeting held at the state secretariat on Monday. The dates for the rollout of the UCC will be announced soon.

This decision follows partial amendments made to the rules previously drafted for the UCC’s implementation. The amendments were thoroughly examined and finalised with input from the Law Department, with the Cabinet’s discussion focusing on the smooth execution of the law.

Post-meeting, Chief Minister Dhami expressed his satisfaction with the progress, underlining the government’s commitment to fulfilling a key electoral promise. “We had assured the people of Uttarakhand during the 2022 elections that the UCC would be implemented promptly once our government came to power. With the draft committee’s work complete, we are now closer to fulfilling that promise,” Dhami stated.

Uttarakhand’s implementation of the UCC will make it the first state in India to adopt a comprehensive civil law framework for all religious communities. The UCC aims to standardize laws in areas such as marriage, divorce, inheritance, adoption, and maintenance. While India already has a Uniform Criminal Code, a unified civil law has not existed until now.

The UCC will explicitly exclude tribal communities and prohibit practices such as ‘halala’, ‘iddat’, and ‘talaq’, which are part of Muslim Personal Law. The law itself consists of 392 sections and is divided into seven schedules. The comprehensive 750-page draft, which spans four volumes, was prepared by a five-member expert committee formed in June 2022 to examine the feasibility of introducing the UCC in Uttarakhand.

Led by Retired Justice Ranjana Prakash Desai, the committee submitted the final draft to the state government on February 2, 2024. The draft received approval from the state Cabinet on February 4, followed by ratification by the state Assembly during a special session. Governor Lt. Gen Gurmit Singh (Retd) gave the green light on February 28, marking the UCC’s passage into law, a move hailed as a historic milestone in Indian legal history.

While the implementation dates are yet to be finalized, the Cabinet’s approval signals that Uttarakhand is poised to set a significant legal precedent in India.

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