Instead of protecting victims of such incidents, the perpetrators not only enjoy immunity from the law, but also the administration in BJP-ruled states punishes victims. The use of false cases and arrests under draconian laws like UAPA are the preferred weapons.
2021 is about to melt into 2022 in less than 48 hours. Majoritarian politics continued to hold its way over the country this year. But this year, it was not just Muslims but also Christians who felt the heat of Hindutva attacks across India as right-wing Hindu groups waged a culture war against them. Several churches have been attacked and statues of Jesus broken, the latest being in Ambala’s Army Cantonment, the scene of many a Rudyard Kipling work.
December saw targeted hate speeches against minorities. The one at Haridwar saw many participants vow to even take up weapons to redeem their faith by killing non-Hindus. The Hindu right-wing has waged war against Christians accusing them of religious conversion through their missionary work and Muslims for Love Jihad, an Islamophobic trope singling out Muslim men for falling in love with Hindu women and then converting them into Islam. However, such allegations targeting minorities have become a cornerstone of Hindu right-wing nationalism.
The Association for the Protection of Civil Rights, United Against Hate, and United Christian Forum jointly released a fact-finding report highlighting the series of attacks on churches and hate speech against Christians across India. According to the report, India has recorded more than 300 attacks on Christians and worship places within the first nine months of 2021.
Of the 305 incidents, 66 took place in Uttar Pradesh, 47 in Chhattisgarh and at least 32 in Karnataka.
While another report of the United Christian Forum had claimed that India reported more than 400 incidents of violence against Christians across the country. Among those, the incident involved storming churches, burning Christian literature, attacking schools and assaulting worshipers.
However, it is shocking that only 30 FIRs have been registered so far in these cases. On many occasions, restrictions were imposed on people to carry out religious ceremonies.
First on the list of attacks is the one on October 3, where a mob of 250-300 persons barged into a Roorkee church in Uttarakhand and attacked people, destroyed CCTV cameras, and vandalized church premises. Many reports said there were only 12 inside the church for prayers when the attack took place.
Apart from this, the attacks on churches were also reported from BJP-ruled states Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka. And these attacks have taken place over allegations of religious conversion. Christians prayers meetings have also been stopped by the same Hindu mob who had stopped Jumma namaz in the so-called Millennium City, Gurugram. The city also saw an attack on a school’s Christmas celebration.
In the last week of 2021, the bank accounts of Mother Teresa’s Missionaries of Charity were frozen over FCRA claims, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee tweeted about the heartlessness behind the move affecting the charity of the outfit.
Some 22,000 patients and employees have been left without food and medicines, the West Bengal Chief Minister had tweeted.
The Missionaries of Charity was founded in 1950 by the late Mother Teresa, a Catholic nun from Macedonia, who moved to India and took care of the destitute and the poor and won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1979 for her work.
Hate speeches have been curtailed by some norms, keeping them among friends and family. The last week of 2021 saw more public hate speeches in the country. The controversial Dharam Sansad organized in Haridwar, other such events in Delhi and Chattisgarh saw where priests and leaders taking an oath to kill Muslims, and even urged Hindus to arm themselves against the Muslims to make India a Hindu Rashtra.
With next year’s assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur due shortly, the increase in such hate is an attempt at reviving polarisation.
The violence in Tripura, where VHP hoodlums attacked Muslims and vandalized some of their mosques and Friday prayers disruptions at designated places at Gurugram were also the prime example of rising hate against Muslims.
Anti-Hindu violence in parts of Bangladesh triggered violence in Tripura. The communal riots erupted on October 26 after a rally organized by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad to protest against the attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh turned violent.
The VHP and the Hindu Jagran Manch organized rallies in different parts of the state to protest against the violence in Bangladesh. Later, the VHP and other right-wing groups denied any role in the violence.
The anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh, which erupted during the Durga Puja festival, was triggered by rumours that the Quran had been insulted in one of the pavilions set up for the celebrations. Seven people were killed, several temples desecrated, and hundreds of houses and business establishments of the Hindu minority were torched.
However, many Muslim groups alleged political conspiracy claiming that the minorities were being targeted in the north eastern state. There were many arrests and some journalists covering the riots in Tripura were also detained. Those who tweeted in favour of Tripura’s Muslims also found themselves being served notices by the state police.
The Uttar Pradesh government had faced severe criticism from the opposition over the killings of Kasganj youth Altaaf in mysterious circumstance. He had been arrested on suspicion of eloping with a Hindu woman. Again, the smoldering love jihad theory. The law and order in Uttar Pradesh, which had earlier won so much praise from PM Modi and other BJP leaders, has been roundly criticized by opposition parties in Uttar Pradesh.
The family of the deceased had alleged that he was tortured by police in the lockup, which led to his death. Police claimed the accused killed himself using the drawstring of his jacket’s hood when he went to the lockup washroom.
Apart from mob lynching, Muslim street vendors in Ahmedabad and some parts of Madhya Pradesh and other parts of the country have been threatened and disallowed from pursuing their livelihood. In Ahmedabad, the Hujarat High Court stepped in to tell off the civic authority to desist from such measures. In Assam, poor peasant families cultivating land for decades were brutally evicted only because they belonged to the Muslim minority. The point-blank shooting of Moinal Haque by police personnel caught on video and the subsequent death dance by a photographer with the remains indeed were a mirror for the crumbling facade of secular India, now overtaken by an aggressive mindless herd mentality spewing hate and violence.
An empty desolate car park outside Sector 37 police station in Gurugram where Muslims had performed Friday prayers for more than a decade turned into a battleground of faith. Hindu right-wing groups staged protests, sloganeered during Friday prayers and held a Govardhan puja at the namaz site just to deny namaz here.
Instead of protecting victims of such incidents, the perpetrators not only enjoy immunity from the law, but also the administration in BJP-ruled states punishes victims. The use of false cases and arrests under draconian laws like UAPA are the preferred weapons.
Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma launched a sharp attack on the Congress after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led alliance secured a decisive victory in the 2026 Assam Assembly elections.
Reacting to the results, Sarma took a swipe at Congress leader Pawan Khera, saying that the people of Assam had made him “eat pera,” a remark aimed at highlighting the party’s defeat in the state.
The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) registered a commanding win, marking its third consecutive term in Assam. The BJP itself won a significant number of seats, while its allies — the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and Bodoland People’s Front (BPF) — also contributed to the alliance’s strong tally.
The victory underlines the BJP’s continued dominance in the northeastern state, with Sarma emerging as the central figure in the party’s campaign and governance narrative.
Political observers note that the scale of the mandate reflects voter support for the party’s leadership and its governance approach, even as the opposition struggled to mount an effective challenge.
With this result, the BJP has further strengthened its position in Assam’s political landscape, while the Congress faces renewed questions over its performance in the state.
Yogi Adityanath has reiterated that strict action will be taken against anyone found forcibly occupying others’ land, underlining his government’s firm stance against illegal encroachment.
According to media reports, the Chief Minister issued the directive while addressing grievances, making it clear that such cases will not be tolerated and will be dealt with through strong legal measures. He instructed officials to ensure that victims receive timely relief and justice.
Adityanath emphasised that protecting citizens’ property rights remains a priority for the state government. He directed administrative and police authorities to act promptly in cases of land grabbing and ensure that illegal कब्ज़ा is removed without delay.
The Chief Minister has consistently maintained a tough position on land-related disputes. In recent interactions with the public, he has stressed the need for swift resolution of complaints and warned officials against negligence in handling such matters.
He also highlighted that strict legal action should be taken against those involved in unlawful occupation, ensuring accountability and deterrence against repeat offences.
The move is seen as part of the government’s broader push to strengthen law and order and curb the activities of land mafias in the state.
Following the Bharatiya Janata Party’s sweeping victory in the West Bengal Assembly elections 2026, senior leader Suvendu Adhikari made a strong political statement, indicating that the party’s next focus will be the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections in 2027.
Riding on the momentum of the party’s performance in Bengal, Adhikari said that several opposition leaders have already lost political ground and added that Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav would be “next” in line.
The BJP leader, who secured key victories in constituencies such as Bhabanipur and Nandigram, also claimed that the defeat of the ruling Trinamool Congress marked the beginning of a political decline for Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee. He asserted that her “political exile has started,” referring to her electoral losses in recent contests.
Adhikari further criticised the Trinamool Congress, comparing it with other opposition parties and alleging that it lacked ideology and was driven by family-based politics. He also suggested that several leaders and workers from the TMC could shift allegiance to the BJP in the coming period.
The BJP’s strong showing in West Bengal marks a major political shift in the state, where the party has managed to significantly expand its footprint. Political observers say the latest remarks underline the party’s intent to carry its electoral momentum into upcoming state elections, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, which is expected to be a key battleground in 2027.
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