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Shivraj Singh Chouhan: A CM isolated by his own party

Despite 17 years in power, Chouhan was never a mass leader and used the treasury to build an image for himself in complete contrast with his own persona.

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Shivraj Singh Chauhan

By Neeraj Mishra

It has been understood for long that in Rajasthan, Vasundhara Raje Scindia has been an eyesore for the Modi-Shah combine but their absolute disdain for Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh has come as a surprise for many.

Chouhan, on his part, has always made a great show of laying the red carpet for PM Modi, whether presenting him with those cheetahs from South Africa on his birthday or copying his Banaras corridor in Ujjain, he has consciously sucked up to the party boss.

What has happened so far is that after an internal assessment, the party bosses has realised that there is a severe anti-incumbency factor against Chouhan and it would be best to get rid of him to save the party. Though this had been in the making since January this year and the Jyotiraditya Scindia camp had been making suitable noises, Chouhan survived through some clever manoeuvres with Nagpur. He also roped in the combined strength of Narendra Tomar, Kailash Vijayvargiya and Prahlad Patel, who were convinced that an outsider like Scindia had to be stopped.

Three months before the elections, however, Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah played a more clever game. They pushed all the aspirants for the CM’s post into the fray so now the BJP has at least half a dozen future BJP chief ministers fighting to win. Apart from Scindia, Tomar, Chouhan, Vijayvargiya and Patel, there is Narottam Mishra and eight-time MLA Gopal Bhargav. The thinking at the top is that each of them has to win in their own bastions and also ensure their region returns the most BJP MLAs.

So where does that leave Chouhan? After being completely sidelined by Modi at all public meetings since September, when the PM even refused to acknowledge his presence on stage, Shivraj has uncharacteristically started making all the noise for himself in his public meetings. He started asking the crowds whether they want to see him back as CM. This has further strained relations within the party.

What most people forget that Chouhan despite 17 years in power was never a mass leader and he used all treasury resources to build an image for himself which is in complete contrast to his own persona. He was always a party worker who tagged along with former chief minister Sunderlal Patwa and RSS strongman Kushabhau Thakre. He was promoted by them for his immense ability to bend as desired. His malleability and political opportunism combined with great luck brought him to the chief minister’s chair without much effort.

Though a four-term Chief Minister, he actually won an election only once on his own. He lost the 2003 elections from Raghogarh but was brave enough to take on the sitting chief minister Digvijaya Singh. Uma Bharati led the BJP to a massive decimation of the Congress but as things turned out, Chouhan became chief minister by 2006 after 2.5 years. He then cleverly worked his way into Congress folds and bluffed then PCC president Suresh Pachauri, another baseless political climber, into sleepwalking in 2008 thinking victory was around the corner. Pachauri is till date accused of striking a deal with Chouhan and his political career never recovered after that loss.

The only election Chouhan won was in 2013 by which time the Congress was in massive disarray and Modi had appeared on the scene by September that year. That carried Chouhan and the BJP through in November 2013, six months ahead of national elections. He went on to lose in 2018 to the Kamal Nath-led Congress but returned to power 15 months later riding on the back of Scindia’s betrayal.  It is believed that he financed the betrayal of 22 MLAs and each was paid Rs 30 crore as revealed by Kamal Nath himself in an interview to Aaj Tak. So, in effect, Chouhan has been the luckiest political leader in modern India.

This is now understood by the Modi-Shah combine. They also realise that out of power, Chouhan has little standing within or without the party. Chouhan will also have too many court cases and corruption allegations to answer once out of his seat. It is unlikely that Kamal Nath, if he wins, will do it but at some point luck always runs out, even if it is 17 years later. That point may be now in Chouhan’s life.

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Yogi Adityanath’s do namoone remark sparks Akhilesh Yadav’s jab on BJP infighting

Yogi Adityanath’s ‘do namoone’ comment in the UP Assembly has been countered by Akhilesh Yadav, who termed it a confession of BJP’s internal power struggle.

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Yogi Adityanath

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s recent “do namoone” comment in the state Assembly has triggered a sharp political exchange, with Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav turning the remark into an attack on the Bharatiya Janata Party’s alleged internal discord.

The comment was made during a heated Assembly discussion on allegations of codeine cough syrup smuggling in Uttar Pradesh. Opposition members had accused the state government of inaction, claiming that timely steps could have saved the lives of several children. Rejecting the allegation outright, Adityanath said that no child in the state had died due to consumption of the cough syrup.

While responding to the opposition benches, the Chief Minister made an indirect jibe, saying there were “two namoone”, one in Delhi and one in Lucknow. Without naming anyone, he added that one of them leaves the country whenever there is a national debate, and suggested that a similar pattern applied to the Samajwadi Party leadership. The remark was widely interpreted as being aimed at Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav, a former Uttar Pradesh chief minister and current Lok Sabha MP

Akhilesh Yadav calls remark a ‘confession’

Akhilesh Yadav responded swiftly on social media, calling Adityanath’s statement a “confession” that exposed an alleged power struggle within the BJP. He said that those holding constitutional posts should maintain decorum and accused the ruling party of bringing its internal disputes into the public domain. Yadav posted his response shortly after the Chief Minister shared a video clip of the Assembly remarks online.

The Samajwadi Party has, on several occasions, claimed that there is a tussle between the Uttar Pradesh government and the BJP’s central leadership. Party leaders have cited the appointment of deputy chief ministers and certain bureaucratic decisions as evidence of attempts to curtail the Chief Minister’s authority.

Adityanath has consistently dismissed these claims, maintaining that he holds the post because of the party’s trust in him. The latest exchange has once again brought the narrative of BJP infighting into political focus, even as both sides continue to trade barbs ahead of key electoral contests

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Sonia Gandhi calls weakening of MGNREGA a collective moral failure, targets Centre in op-ed

Sonia Gandhi has accused the Centre of weakening MGNREGA, calling it a collective moral failure with serious consequences for crores of working people.

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Sonia Gandhi

Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi has sharply criticised the Central government over what she described as the steady dismantling of rights-based legislation, with a particular focus on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

In a recent opinion article published in a leading English daily, Sonia Gandhi argued that MGNREGA was envisioned as more than a welfare measure. She said the rural employment scheme gave legal backing to the constitutional right to work and was rooted in Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of Sarvodaya, or welfare for all.

Calling its weakening a serious failure, she wrote that the decline of MGNREGA represents a “collective moral failure” that will have lasting financial and human consequences for crores of working people across India. She stressed that safeguarding such rights-based frameworks is crucial at a time when, according to her, multiple protections are under strain.

Concerns raised over education, environment and land laws

Sonia Gandhi also flagged concerns beyond rural employment. Referring to education policy, she claimed that the Right to Education has been undermined following the National Education Policy 2020, alleging that it has led to the closure of around one lakh primary schools across the country.

On environmental and land-related legislation, she stated that the Forest Rights Act, 2006, was weakened through the Forest (Conservation) Rules, 2022. According to her, these changes removed the role of the gram sabha in decisions related to the diversion of forest land.

She further alleged that the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act has been significantly diluted, while adding that the National Green Tribunal has seen its authority reduced over the years.

Warning on agriculture and food security laws

Touching upon agriculture reforms, Sonia Gandhi referred to the now-repealed three farm laws, claiming they were an attempt to deny farmers the right to a minimum support price. She also cautioned that the National Food Security Act, 2013, could face similar threats in the future.

Reiterating her central argument, she urged unity to protect statutory rights, stating that the erosion of such laws has implications that extend well beyond policy, affecting livelihoods and dignity on the ground.

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Renaming MGNREGA removes core spirit of rural employment law, says Shashi Tharoor

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Shashi Tharoor

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor has strongly criticised the renaming of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), saying the move strips the rural employment programme of its core essence. His remarks came after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, also referred to as the VB-G RAM G Bill.

Speaking to media, Tharoor said the decision to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the scheme “takes out the heart” of the rural employment programme that has been in place for years. He noted that the identity and philosophy associated with Mahatma Gandhi were central to the original law.

Tharoor also objected to the way the new name was framed, arguing that it unnecessarily combined multiple languages. He pointed out that the Constitution envisages the use of one language in legislation, while the Bill’s title mixes English and Hindi terms such as “Guarantee”, “Rozgar” and “Ajeevika”, along with the conjunction “and”.

‘Disrespect to both names’

The Congress leader said that inserting the word “Ram” while dropping Mahatma Gandhi’s name amounted to disrespecting both. Referring to Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas, Tharoor said that for Gandhi, the concepts of Gram Swaraj and Ram Rajya were inseparable, and removing his name from a rural employment law went against that vision.

He added that the name of Lord Ram could be used in many contexts, but questioned the rationale behind excluding Mahatma Gandhi from a programme closely linked to his philosophy of village self-rule.

Protests over passage of the Bill

The VB-G RAM G Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha on December 18 and cleared by the Rajya Sabha in the early hours of December 19 amid protests from Opposition members. Several MPs opposed the manner in which the legislation was pushed through, with scenes of sloganeering and tearing of papers in the House.

Outside Parliament, members of the Trinamool Congress staged a sit-in protest near Samvidhan Sadan against the passage of the Bill. Congress also announced nationwide protests earlier this week, accusing the government of weakening rights-based welfare schemes.

Despite opposition criticism, the government has maintained that the new law will strengthen rural employment and livelihood security. The Bill raises the guaranteed employment from 100 days to 125 days per rural household and outlines a 60:40 cost-sharing formula between the Centre and states, with a higher central share for northeastern, Himalayan states and certain Union Territories.

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