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Can Chabahar be a second OBOR gateway?

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NEEDED, SOME PROACTIVE DIPLOMACY: Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets President of People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping ahead of the BRICS Summit in Goa, UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Gwadar need not be the only port of ingress and egress for the China-initiated transnational road-and-rail network; the India-Iran harbour route can be safer

By Sujit Bhar

Stated positions in international diplomacy change faster than pieces in a rapid chess match.  If frequent geopolitical shifts have to be addressed, they either have to be dealt with counter-moves, or through the opening of an alternative, surreptitious and camouflaged line of attack.

There is no defeat in international diplomacy, till you concede one.

The India-China position vis-à-vis the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative can reach a dead end if India cannot find that alternative route fast. The Chabahar Port route rests in a confused state as of now.

While in April Union minister Nitin Gadkari said work on the port is moving fast and that India has now got a two-year management contract for the port, India’s promise of a $ 500 million investment seems to be on a slippery surface, post problems arising out of Iran’s delaying tactics in awarding gas exploration contract in its Farzad B offshore field to ONGC Videsh. This was one by-product India was looking for within the Chabahar Port deal.

As per published reports, India has decided to reduce oil imports from Iran by three million tonnes, which translates to approximately 25 percent of the oil India imports from Iran. With India sourcing almost six percent of all its oil from that country, India will have to seek an alternative route. With oil prices down, this might not be such a problem, but Iran has not taken kindly to its second-largest customer (after China), cutting back on purchases. It has retaliated by cutting India’s payment schedule from 90 days to 30, as well as cutting back on freight discounts.

If one looks at these as pure business decisions, then there is no problem. Differences arise before they are solved. However, this seems to be connected to India’s political aspirations. Isolating Pakistan isn’t proving to be so easy. If Iran does think joining OBOR would be beneficial for it, a quick change of stance with respect to Pakistan would not be difficult. While India has several running defence deals with Iran, Iran has shown no bad intentions regarding Pakistan.

There is said to be a clause in India’s 16-year-old defence deal with Iran, which reportedly says that India might be given access to Iranian military bases in the event of a war with Pakistan. This, however, has not been openly confirmed by either country, which puts the viability of the deal into unknown territory.

AN OVERVIEW: A map pinpointing the locations of Chabahar and Gwadar ports

AN OVERVIEW: A map pinpointing the locations of Chabahar and Gwadar ports

Hence Iran’s intentions, as expected, revolve around its own interests. The Chabahar Port will be a value addition for Iran. If the CPEC goes forward, joining Gwadar Port with the overall OBOR system, how much latitude can India gain from the Chabahar port connecting Afghanistan, while staying away from OBOR?

Frankly, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s vision cannot be wished away by India. India would expect to get a better understanding of the OBOR initiative from the inside and not from a spectator’s perspective. That China has taken the lead in world geopolitics and across the financial world cannot be denied by India. There is little point in being an ostrich in a changing world. There are no stated positions.

India’s stated position about PoK need not change if there is a move towards accepting OBOR as inevitable, and in a partnership offer, one has to take financial options into consideration while dealing with the issue. Prime Minister Narendra Modi would need a face-saver, surely, because the opposition would be screaming murder if India agrees to attend the upcoming OBOR meet. But here is the dig. If OBOR is developed through partnership, and not through the primary dictates of China, there is a possibility that India can press for its own security system for its goods through the disturbed Baloch, PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan regions.

Let this be a practical discussion. Can India, though any international forum, possibly stop Chinese-Pakistani construction in disputed areas for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which happens to be an integral part of OBOR? One guesses not.

And, as China claims, will India’s not attending the OBOR meet completely isolate India? I guess not, too. This will also remain in the region of probability. However, there is a catch. If OBOR is an unqualified success, any late entry effort would not only require cost, but also present a positioning problem for India.

What if India sends an unqualified “yes” signal? Technically, that would mean accepting all existing norms, including, possibly, discussions on the Kashmir issue with a third party, something India has consistently refused to accede to. That would be the end of Modi’s tenure at the top.

What is the midway? Possibly sending a low-powered delegation to the OBOR meet? That would provide representation without accountability, because such a delegation would lack the authority to make decisions. In other words it would result in dragging feet, but India has huge experience in this. Any opportunity unexplored is no opportunity. If India refuses to acknowledge OBOR, its voice on PoK will be rarely heard.

There is a chance of forcing a change from within, and Chabahar is as good an entry and exit point for goods on OBOR as Gwadar. Does that sound like an alternative position? Two things to consider here. Xi has improved relations with Iran several-fold through his visit of the country. OBOR does not need to have just the CPEC route to use. What if it can use both? What if India can place a quick proposal that India’s proposed route can also connect to OBOR?

This is a disruptive thought. Floating it would be difficult, but not impossible. Could we think about this? India has invested in Chabahar and in developing railway lines to the north. OBOR will happen. While the CPEC is fraught with dangers, the India-Iran-Afghanistan route can be safer.

Let’s make the best use of it.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Congress protests against Gyanesh Kumar, demands Election chief’s resignation

Congress workers took to the streets against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, with protests and demonstrations held over the party’s allegations concerning the Election Commission.

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Congress stepped up its campaign against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, with party workers taking to the streets and demanding his resignation amid the ongoing row over the Election Commission.

The protests followed repeated criticism by Congress leaders of the poll panel and its functioning. The party has alleged irregularities in the electoral process and has sought accountability from the Election Commission.

Congress leaders have also targeted Gyanesh Kumar personally, with Rahul Gandhi among those calling for the Chief Election Commissioner to step down.

Congress takes protest to streets

Congress workers staged demonstrations in different places as part of the party’s campaign against the Election Commission.

The protests featured sharp symbolism, including masks and handcuffs, as Congress sought to highlight its allegations against the poll panel and demand action against Gyanesh Kumar.

The demonstrations are part of a wider confrontation between the Congress and the Election Commission over issues related to electoral rolls and the conduct of elections.

Congress demands Gyanesh Kumar’s resignation

The Congress has repeatedly demanded the resignation of Gyanesh Kumar, accusing the Election Commission of failing to adequately address the concerns raised by the opposition party.

Rahul Gandhi has also stepped up his criticism of the poll panel. In a statement on Thursday, he demanded that Gyanesh Kumar resign and alleged that the Election Commission had acknowledged the issue of “vote theft”. These are allegations made by the Congress and should not be treated as an established finding unless confirmed by the relevant authority.

The dispute comes amid a broader political debate over electoral rolls, voter verification and the functioning of the Election Commission.

Election Commission under opposition scrutiny

The Congress has intensified its campaign against the poll body in recent weeks, with party leaders repeatedly questioning its decisions and procedures.

The Election Commission, meanwhile, has maintained that India’s electoral process is conducted according to the Constitution, electoral laws and prescribed procedures. Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar has previously defended the integrity of the electoral system and rejected claims that electronic voting machines can be remotely hacked.

The latest protests add to the continuing political confrontation over the Election Commission and the opposition’s demands concerning the poll panel’s functioning.

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Assam makes Muslim marriage registration compulsory under new rules

Assam has approved rules for compulsory registration of Muslim marriages, with couples able to register through government marriage registrars.

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The Assam Cabinet has approved the Assam Muslim Marriage Registration (Compulsory) Rules, 2026, establishing the procedure for mandatory registration of Muslim marriages in the state.

The rules operationalise the Assam Compulsory Registration of Muslim Marriages and Divorces Act, 2024, which replaced the earlier Assam Muslim Marriages and Divorces Registration Act, 1935.

Who will register Muslim marriages in Assam?

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said Muslim couples will now be able to register their marriages with government marriage registrars.

The government had earlier decided that kazis would not register Muslim marriages under the new system, but there was uncertainty over who would carry out the registration. The newly approved rules establish the registration mechanism through marriage registrars.

Sarma said that if the number of applications becomes large, the government could give marriage-registration powers to officers at the panchayat level so that applicants do not face difficulties.

What does the 2024 law say?

The 2024 Act made the registration of Muslim marriages and divorces with the government mandatory. It also prohibits registration of marriages that do not meet the legally prescribed minimum age requirements.

The law specifies the minimum marriage age as 18 years for females and 21 years for males.

The legislation was introduced by the Assam government with the stated objective of curbing child marriage and ending the earlier kazi-based registration system.

Under the previous 1935 law, marriage registration was conducted through kazis and was not compulsory. The earlier system also allowed registration involving minors in certain circumstances, while the new law does not permit such registration.

Registration timeline and penalties

The 2024 legislation provides that Muslim marriages should be registered within 30 days of the marriage. It also provides for registration of divorces within one month of their occurrence.

The law also contains penalties for violations. Producing fake or forged certificates can attract imprisonment of up to two years, a fine of up to Rs. 10,000, or both, along with action under relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

Registering a marriage in violation of the law can attract imprisonment of up to one year and a fine of up to Rs. 50,000.

The Assam Cabinet’s approval of the 2026 rules provides the administrative framework for implementing the compulsory registration system.

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Trump-Xi Summit: Trade, Taiwan and AI among key takeaways

Trade, Taiwan, artificial intelligence and strategic rivalry were among the key issues highlighted during Donald Trump’s summit with Xi Jinping in Washington.

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Trump-Xi Summit

US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the White House amid discussions on trade, artificial intelligence and the broader strategic relationship between the United States and China.

The summit came as Washington and Beijing continued to navigate disagreements over tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies, technology restrictions and Taiwan.

Here are five key takeaways from the Trump-Xi summit.

Trade truce gets an extension

The United States and China agreed to extend their trade truce by two months, giving both sides additional time for negotiations.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the extension would provide Washington and Beijing more time to work on economic issues. However, several major questions remain part of the negotiations, including tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies and technology restrictions.

Bessent said China was meeting its earlier commitment to buy 25 million tonnes of US soybeans but was behind its pledge to purchase $17 billion worth of other agricultural goods.

US officials have also said that Chinese rare-earth deliveries were falling short.

Taiwan remains a major point of tension

Taiwan was another important issue during the discussions.

Xi Jinping pressed Trump on Taiwan and urged the United States to handle the issue with “prudence”, according to China’s official news agency. Its English-language service also said Xi hoped Washington would oppose Taiwanese independence.

The report noted that the US has traditionally said it does not support Taiwanese independence, while avoiding an explicit statement that it opposes it.

There was no immediate White House readout of the exchange on Taiwan.

Trump and Xi differ on AI

Artificial intelligence was another area where the two leaders expressed different positions.

Trump has said he wants to avoid new AI guardrails and instead rely on the US Department of Justice. He has also maintained that China shares this approach.

Xi, however, said the United States and China have both the capability and responsibility to develop and manage AI for good.

He said AI development should remain under human control and serve people’s well-being.

The contrasting positions underline the importance of AI and technology in the broader US-China relationship.

Strategic rivalry remains a concern

Xi also referred to the “Thucydides Trap”, a theory associated with the risk of conflict between a rising power and an established one.

He argued that competition between the United States and China should be about catching up rather than a contest in which one side must defeat the other.

Xi said the risks could be overcome and called for regular military dialogue and stronger mechanisms to prevent crises.

Trump, meanwhile, highlighted areas where the two countries could cooperate, referring to their shared wartime history and common interests.

Summit also featured elaborate ceremony

The White House visit was accompanied by an elaborate display of ceremony.

The programme included military performances, fighter jets and bombers flying overhead, as well as the recently redesigned South Lawn and a large helipad bearing the presidential seal.

The highly publicised setting contrasted with the unresolved differences between Washington and Beijing on trade, Taiwan, technology and strategic issues.

The summit therefore highlighted both the effort to maintain dialogue between the two powers and the significant issues that remain unresolved.

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