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Can Chabahar be a second OBOR gateway?

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NEEDED, SOME PROACTIVE DIPLOMACY: Prime Minister Narendra Modi meets President of People’s Republic of China Xi Jinping ahead of the BRICS Summit in Goa, UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Gwadar need not be the only port of ingress and egress for the China-initiated transnational road-and-rail network; the India-Iran harbour route can be safer

By Sujit Bhar

Stated positions in international diplomacy change faster than pieces in a rapid chess match.  If frequent geopolitical shifts have to be addressed, they either have to be dealt with counter-moves, or through the opening of an alternative, surreptitious and camouflaged line of attack.

There is no defeat in international diplomacy, till you concede one.

The India-China position vis-à-vis the One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative can reach a dead end if India cannot find that alternative route fast. The Chabahar Port route rests in a confused state as of now.

While in April Union minister Nitin Gadkari said work on the port is moving fast and that India has now got a two-year management contract for the port, India’s promise of a $ 500 million investment seems to be on a slippery surface, post problems arising out of Iran’s delaying tactics in awarding gas exploration contract in its Farzad B offshore field to ONGC Videsh. This was one by-product India was looking for within the Chabahar Port deal.

As per published reports, India has decided to reduce oil imports from Iran by three million tonnes, which translates to approximately 25 percent of the oil India imports from Iran. With India sourcing almost six percent of all its oil from that country, India will have to seek an alternative route. With oil prices down, this might not be such a problem, but Iran has not taken kindly to its second-largest customer (after China), cutting back on purchases. It has retaliated by cutting India’s payment schedule from 90 days to 30, as well as cutting back on freight discounts.

If one looks at these as pure business decisions, then there is no problem. Differences arise before they are solved. However, this seems to be connected to India’s political aspirations. Isolating Pakistan isn’t proving to be so easy. If Iran does think joining OBOR would be beneficial for it, a quick change of stance with respect to Pakistan would not be difficult. While India has several running defence deals with Iran, Iran has shown no bad intentions regarding Pakistan.

There is said to be a clause in India’s 16-year-old defence deal with Iran, which reportedly says that India might be given access to Iranian military bases in the event of a war with Pakistan. This, however, has not been openly confirmed by either country, which puts the viability of the deal into unknown territory.

AN OVERVIEW: A map pinpointing the locations of Chabahar and Gwadar ports

AN OVERVIEW: A map pinpointing the locations of Chabahar and Gwadar ports

Hence Iran’s intentions, as expected, revolve around its own interests. The Chabahar Port will be a value addition for Iran. If the CPEC goes forward, joining Gwadar Port with the overall OBOR system, how much latitude can India gain from the Chabahar port connecting Afghanistan, while staying away from OBOR?

Frankly, Chinese President Xi Jinping’s vision cannot be wished away by India. India would expect to get a better understanding of the OBOR initiative from the inside and not from a spectator’s perspective. That China has taken the lead in world geopolitics and across the financial world cannot be denied by India. There is little point in being an ostrich in a changing world. There are no stated positions.

India’s stated position about PoK need not change if there is a move towards accepting OBOR as inevitable, and in a partnership offer, one has to take financial options into consideration while dealing with the issue. Prime Minister Narendra Modi would need a face-saver, surely, because the opposition would be screaming murder if India agrees to attend the upcoming OBOR meet. But here is the dig. If OBOR is developed through partnership, and not through the primary dictates of China, there is a possibility that India can press for its own security system for its goods through the disturbed Baloch, PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan regions.

Let this be a practical discussion. Can India, though any international forum, possibly stop Chinese-Pakistani construction in disputed areas for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which happens to be an integral part of OBOR? One guesses not.

And, as China claims, will India’s not attending the OBOR meet completely isolate India? I guess not, too. This will also remain in the region of probability. However, there is a catch. If OBOR is an unqualified success, any late entry effort would not only require cost, but also present a positioning problem for India.

What if India sends an unqualified “yes” signal? Technically, that would mean accepting all existing norms, including, possibly, discussions on the Kashmir issue with a third party, something India has consistently refused to accede to. That would be the end of Modi’s tenure at the top.

What is the midway? Possibly sending a low-powered delegation to the OBOR meet? That would provide representation without accountability, because such a delegation would lack the authority to make decisions. In other words it would result in dragging feet, but India has huge experience in this. Any opportunity unexplored is no opportunity. If India refuses to acknowledge OBOR, its voice on PoK will be rarely heard.

There is a chance of forcing a change from within, and Chabahar is as good an entry and exit point for goods on OBOR as Gwadar. Does that sound like an alternative position? Two things to consider here. Xi has improved relations with Iran several-fold through his visit of the country. OBOR does not need to have just the CPEC route to use. What if it can use both? What if India can place a quick proposal that India’s proposed route can also connect to OBOR?

This is a disruptive thought. Floating it would be difficult, but not impossible. Could we think about this? India has invested in Chabahar and in developing railway lines to the north. OBOR will happen. While the CPEC is fraught with dangers, the India-Iran-Afghanistan route can be safer.

Let’s make the best use of it.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Asish Banerjee found dead in Rampurhat, Mamata Banerjee aide’s death shocks TMC

Former West Bengal deputy speaker and five-time Rampurhat MLA Asish Banerjee was found dead at a Trinamool Congress office in Birbhum.

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Mamata Banerjee

Former West Bengal Assembly deputy speaker and Trinamool Congress leader Asish Banerjee was found dead at a party office next to his residence in Rampurhat, Birbhum district, on Sunday morning.

Police said his body was found hanging and was sent for postmortem. A large crowd gathered outside the Trinamool Congress office after news of his death spread.

Who was Asish Banerjee?

Asish Banerjee had served as the deputy speaker of the West Bengal Assembly when Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee was the state’s chief minister. He was also a five-time MLA from Rampurhat.

He had served as Bengal’s education and agriculture minister after Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress first came to power in the state.

Banerjee contested the West Bengal Assembly election earlier this year but lost the Rampurhat seat to BJP’s Dhruba Saha.

Asish Banerjee’s recent party role

Banerjee stepped down as chairman of the Trinamool Congress’s Birbhum district core committee in June. At the time, he said he would continue as a general member of the party.

He lived in the Hattalapara neighbourhood of Rampurhat, with the party office where his body was found located next to his house.

BJP gains in Birbhum

The BJP won six of the 11 Assembly constituencies in Birbhum in the latest state election. This marked a significant change from 2021, when the Trinamool Congress had won 10 seats in the district while the BJP had secured one.

Police have sent Asish Banerjee’s body for postmortem as the circumstances surrounding his death are being investigated.

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IPS Officer Nupur Prasad gets Medal for Meritorious Service after Sushant Singh Rajput probe

IPS officer Nupur Prasad, who led the CBI investigation into Sushant Singh Rajput’s death, has been selected for the Medal for Meritorious Service this year.

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IPS officer Nupur Prasad, who led the CBI investigation into actor Sushant Singh Rajput’s death, has been recognised with the Medal for Meritorious Service (MSM) this year.

A 2007-batch AGMUT cadre officer, Ms Prasad recently returned to the Delhi Police after completing her tenure with the CBI. She is currently serving as Joint Commissioner of Police in the Economic Offences Wing (EOW), where she oversees investigations involving financial and economic crimes.

The award is part of this year’s recognition for police personnel for distinguished and meritorious service. Such honours recognise contributions in areas including investigation, crime prevention, public service, law and order and administration.

Nupur Prasad’s role in Sushant Singh Rajput case

Ms Prasad came into national focus during the CBI investigation into the death of Sushant Singh Rajput, who was found dead at his Mumbai residence on June 14, 2020.

The case was transferred to the CBI in August 2020 following a complaint by the actor’s family and a legal dispute over jurisdiction.

During her tenure with the agency, Ms Prasad supervised key aspects of the investigation, including the examination of witness statements, forensic evidence and medical records.

In 2025, the CBI filed closure reports, saying its investigation found no evidence of foul play, abetment to suicide or criminal conspiracy in the actor’s death.

Career across Delhi Police, CBI

Ms Prasad has served in several positions during her career, including assignments in the Delhi Police, CBI, Arunachal Pradesh and West Bengal.

Before joining the CBI, she held senior positions in the Delhi Police and became the first Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP) of Shahdara. During her tenure, she worked on establishing the district’s policing framework following its creation.

She also led operations targeting drug networks and illegal gambling activities while focusing on crime-prevention measures.

Later, as DCP of North Delhi, she oversaw security arrangements for major events, including Independence Day celebrations at the Red Fort and Delhi University elections.

Community-focused policing initiatives

Beyond investigations, Ms Prasad has been associated with community-focused programmes involving women’s self-defence, youth development, cyber safety and drug de-addiction.

During her CBI tenure, she was also associated with several prominent investigations. Media reports have linked her to cases concerning businessman Vijay Mallya and the AgustaWestland helicopter deal.

Current role in Delhi Police

After completing her assignment with the CBI, Ms Prasad returned to the Delhi Police and took charge as Joint Commissioner of Police in the Economic Offences Wing.

The latest recognition adds to her career spanning investigations, policing and public service across several challenging assignments.

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Kharge, Rahul Gandhi skip Independence Day event for 2nd straight year

Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi skipped the 80th Independence Day celebrations at the Red Fort for the second consecutive year.

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Rahul Kharge

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi skipped the 80th Independence Day celebrations at Delhi’s Red Fort for the second consecutive year.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi led the Independence Day celebrations at the historic venue on Saturday.

The absence of the two senior Congress leaders comes amid strained relations between the ruling party and the Opposition, which further deteriorated during the Monsoon Session of Parliament that concluded on Thursday.

2024 seating controversy

Rahul Gandhi had attended the Independence Day celebrations in 2024 but his seating arrangement triggered a controversy. The Congress leader, who holds the status of a Cabinet minister as Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, was seated in the second-last row during the ceremony at the Red Fort.

The Opposition had criticised the seating arrangement, calling it an insult to the people. The Defence Ministry, which organised the event, said the arrangement had been modified to accommodate Olympians at the venue.

According to protocol, the Leader of the Opposition is seated in the front row during ceremonial events.

Opposition-ruling party tensions

Relations between the government and the Opposition remained tense during the Monsoon Session, which ended on Thursday.

The session saw repeated clashes between the two sides, with both the Opposition and the ruling party blaming each other for the low productivity of Parliament.

The session began on July 20, with students marching towards Parliament on the first day. Twelve bills were passed during the session, while detailed discussion took place on only one legislation, concerning paper leaks.

The Congress, along with the Trinamool Congress and Samajwadi Party, also boycotted the customary tea party hosted by Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla after the House was adjourned sine die.

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