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Justice Shah: Is this what the value of human life’s coming to?

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Justice Shah delivers the MN Roy Memorial Lecture, courtesy YouTube

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]In his lecture on nationalism, he was critical of the apex court’s judgements and upheld freedom of speech

By Sucheta Dasgupta

Former Delhi High Court chief justice Ajit Prakash Shah has provided a whole lot of constructive criticism for the Indian judiciary. Speaking at the MN Roy Memorial Lecture last week, Justice Shah (retired) looked critically into two Supreme Court judgments, one Supreme Court decision, one High Court order, a law and the demand for one made by a leading public figure.

Justice Shah criticized the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the constitutionality of criminal defamation in Subramaniam Swamy vs UOI case in May 2016. Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi, Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and BJP leader Subramanian Swamy had challenged the constitutional validity of sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code, providing for criminal defamation. “Right to free speech is not absolute. It does not mean freedom to hurt another’s reputation which is protected under Article 21 of the Constitution,” the Supreme Court had ruled.

Known for his bold judgements, especially the one which decriminalised homosexuality in 2009, the ex-judge, who retired in 2010, also slammed the top court’s November 2016 order directing all cinema halls across India to play the national anthem before the start of a film, and requiring the audience to stand up as a “show of respect”.  “The order of the Court, which seems a little short on reasoning to help understand how such an interim order was passed, befuddles and seems contrary to the spirit of the Constitution and past precedent, Bijoe Emanuel [in this historic 1986 case, a family of Jehovah’s Witnesses won the permission not to sing the national anthem in school, arguing that the act violated their right to worship] which made it clear that we cannot be forced to sing the anthem. It is important to remember that the right to free speech and expression also includes the right not to speak or express ourselves,” Justice Shah explained. “However, under the guise of ‘law’, the Court has now stepped in and restricted our fundamental rights,” he said, adding: “The order may have ensured that cinema audiences throughout are now standing before the national anthem plays, but what the Court fails to have realised is that such an action is a performance, motivated by fear of being beaten up, rather than genuine respect and love for the anthem. In the end, it has actually undermined patriotism amongst fellow Indians”.

Next in his line of fire was the apex court’s decision in March to examine Azam Khan’s statement (that the Bulandhshahr gang-rape, of a woman and a minor, was an “opposition conspiracy”) in the light of the question that it itself raised— whether or not the right to free speech under Article 19(1)(a) is to be controlled singularly by the language under Article 19(2) or it is also impacted by the right to life and personal liberty under Article 21 of the Constitution. Outrageous as Khan’s comment is, for which he later apologised—and the Supreme Court rejected his apology—Justice Shah rightly pointed out that the answer to the aforesaid question may “have a profound impact in restricting the scope of Article 19(1)(a) and undermine our constitutionally guaranteed [fundamental] right”. Besides, he argued, how can one fundamental right be conditional to another one? After all, the remedy of all crises arising out of free speech is more free speech, and everyone is entitled to their opinion, however worthless or malformed those may be.

But, even the Bombay High Court has on occasion failed to protect the right to free speech, Justice Shah said. “Recently [February], it constituted a three-member committee (comprising two lawyers) to give a report on the scenes in the movie Jolly LLB-2 it found ‘objectionable’, because it was prima facie of the view that certain scenes—those involving a cowering judge and some dialogue between the lawyers—were in contempt of the judiciary and the legal profession. Mind you, this was a movie where the CBFC, i.e. the Censor Board, has given the requisite certification for its release. It was also a case where the High Court entertained the writ petition (later converted to a PIL) based only on two trailers and some photographs. The Bombay High Court’s order [directing deletion of four scenes from the film], the report of the three-member ‘committee’, and the proximity of the release date, essentially forced the producers and director of the movie to ‘compromise’ and undertake to make the requisite modifications and deletions to the objectionable scenes,” he maintained.

Justice Shah made a cogent argument for repeal of Section 124-A of the Indian Penal Code, infamous as the sedition law. He reminded his audience of the history of the law, introduced by the British to crush dissent by our freedom fighters. He drew his listeners’ attention to the fact that the United Kingdom, from which India inherited it, has abolished it in 2009. Citing the Supreme Court’s judgement in the 1962 Kedarnath Singh vs State of Bihar case, wherein it limited the application of the law to “acts involving intention or tendency to create disorder, or disturbance of law and order, or incitement to violence”, he said it had been inappropriate to view the JNU sloganeering incident in the same light. Nevertheless, he said, the broad scope of the law “allows it to be used by the state to go after those who challenge its power—whether it is the JNU students, activists such as Hardik Patel and Binayak Sen, authors such as Arundhati Roy, cartoonists such as Aseem Trivedi, or the villagers of Idinthakarai in Tamil Nadu protesting against the Kudankulam nuclear power plant”. Sedition charges seldom stick, but the harassment they cause is immense, he said, completing his argument.

Finally, Justice Shah called for a unanimous rejection by citizens of RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s demand for a national law against cow slaughter. “Preventing people from eating the food they want and effectively forcing a life choice on them undermines any feelings of nationalism and unity… We must be wary of forcing a single ideology or way of living on the entire country, especially a country as diverse as India, where states such as Kerala or the various states in the northeast consider beef a staple part of their diet. One reads multiple reports about slaughterhouse crackdowns in UP, crackdowns that are primarily targeted at Muslim butchers, leaving lakhs of people with fear, but without stable employment. We also recently had the horrific incident in Una where seven Dalits were beaten by cow-vigilantes for alleged cow slaughter. And how can we forget the lynching of Akhlaq, who was suspected for allegedly storing and consuming beef, but where the first thing that was sent for forensic examination was not his body, but the food that is in the fridge. Is this what the value of human life comes to?” Justice Shah said, reminding his audience that “only free souls can create abiding cultural values; they may physically belong to one particular class or geographically to a particular country; spiritually, they transcend all social and territorial limitations”.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Assam makes Muslim marriage registration compulsory under new rules

Assam has approved rules for compulsory registration of Muslim marriages, with couples able to register through government marriage registrars.

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The Assam Cabinet has approved the Assam Muslim Marriage Registration (Compulsory) Rules, 2026, establishing the procedure for mandatory registration of Muslim marriages in the state.

The rules operationalise the Assam Compulsory Registration of Muslim Marriages and Divorces Act, 2024, which replaced the earlier Assam Muslim Marriages and Divorces Registration Act, 1935.

Who will register Muslim marriages in Assam?

Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma said Muslim couples will now be able to register their marriages with government marriage registrars.

The government had earlier decided that kazis would not register Muslim marriages under the new system, but there was uncertainty over who would carry out the registration. The newly approved rules establish the registration mechanism through marriage registrars.

Sarma said that if the number of applications becomes large, the government could give marriage-registration powers to officers at the panchayat level so that applicants do not face difficulties.

What does the 2024 law say?

The 2024 Act made the registration of Muslim marriages and divorces with the government mandatory. It also prohibits registration of marriages that do not meet the legally prescribed minimum age requirements.

The law specifies the minimum marriage age as 18 years for females and 21 years for males.

The legislation was introduced by the Assam government with the stated objective of curbing child marriage and ending the earlier kazi-based registration system.

Under the previous 1935 law, marriage registration was conducted through kazis and was not compulsory. The earlier system also allowed registration involving minors in certain circumstances, while the new law does not permit such registration.

Registration timeline and penalties

The 2024 legislation provides that Muslim marriages should be registered within 30 days of the marriage. It also provides for registration of divorces within one month of their occurrence.

The law also contains penalties for violations. Producing fake or forged certificates can attract imprisonment of up to two years, a fine of up to Rs. 10,000, or both, along with action under relevant provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023.

Registering a marriage in violation of the law can attract imprisonment of up to one year and a fine of up to Rs. 50,000.

The Assam Cabinet’s approval of the 2026 rules provides the administrative framework for implementing the compulsory registration system.

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India News

Trump-Xi Summit: Trade, Taiwan and AI among key takeaways

Trade, Taiwan, artificial intelligence and strategic rivalry were among the key issues highlighted during Donald Trump’s summit with Xi Jinping in Washington.

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Trump-Xi Summit

US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the White House amid discussions on trade, artificial intelligence and the broader strategic relationship between the United States and China.

The summit came as Washington and Beijing continued to navigate disagreements over tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies, technology restrictions and Taiwan.

Here are five key takeaways from the Trump-Xi summit.

Trade truce gets an extension

The United States and China agreed to extend their trade truce by two months, giving both sides additional time for negotiations.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the extension would provide Washington and Beijing more time to work on economic issues. However, several major questions remain part of the negotiations, including tariffs, Chinese purchases, rare-earth supplies and technology restrictions.

Bessent said China was meeting its earlier commitment to buy 25 million tonnes of US soybeans but was behind its pledge to purchase $17 billion worth of other agricultural goods.

US officials have also said that Chinese rare-earth deliveries were falling short.

Taiwan remains a major point of tension

Taiwan was another important issue during the discussions.

Xi Jinping pressed Trump on Taiwan and urged the United States to handle the issue with “prudence”, according to China’s official news agency. Its English-language service also said Xi hoped Washington would oppose Taiwanese independence.

The report noted that the US has traditionally said it does not support Taiwanese independence, while avoiding an explicit statement that it opposes it.

There was no immediate White House readout of the exchange on Taiwan.

Trump and Xi differ on AI

Artificial intelligence was another area where the two leaders expressed different positions.

Trump has said he wants to avoid new AI guardrails and instead rely on the US Department of Justice. He has also maintained that China shares this approach.

Xi, however, said the United States and China have both the capability and responsibility to develop and manage AI for good.

He said AI development should remain under human control and serve people’s well-being.

The contrasting positions underline the importance of AI and technology in the broader US-China relationship.

Strategic rivalry remains a concern

Xi also referred to the “Thucydides Trap”, a theory associated with the risk of conflict between a rising power and an established one.

He argued that competition between the United States and China should be about catching up rather than a contest in which one side must defeat the other.

Xi said the risks could be overcome and called for regular military dialogue and stronger mechanisms to prevent crises.

Trump, meanwhile, highlighted areas where the two countries could cooperate, referring to their shared wartime history and common interests.

Summit also featured elaborate ceremony

The White House visit was accompanied by an elaborate display of ceremony.

The programme included military performances, fighter jets and bombers flying overhead, as well as the recently redesigned South Lawn and a large helipad bearing the presidential seal.

The highly publicised setting contrasted with the unresolved differences between Washington and Beijing on trade, Taiwan, technology and strategic issues.

The summit therefore highlighted both the effort to maintain dialogue between the two powers and the significant issues that remain unresolved.

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India News

 Akhilesh Yadav launches SP’s 2027 UP poll campaign from Rahul Gandhi’s seat

Akhilesh Yadav launched the Samajwadi Party’s 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly election campaign from Rae Bareli, represented by Rahul Gandhi in the Lok Sabha.

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Akhilesh Yadav

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has formally begun the party’s campaign for the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, launching the outreach from Rae Bareli, the Lok Sabha constituency represented by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.

Yadav travelled through the area on the party’s newly launched PDA Rath before addressing a public meeting. The campaign vehicle carries the Samajwadi Party’s PDA messaging, referring to its focus on backward classes, Dalits and minorities.

Akhilesh Yadav discusses alliance with Congress

During his Rae Bareli visit, Yadav said the Samajwadi Party would contest the 2027 election as part of an alliance and indicated that seat-sharing would be decided on the basis of winnability.

He said the party would give a seat to whichever alliance partner is considered capable of winning it. The remarks come against the backdrop of the SP and Congress having contested the 2024 Lok Sabha election together in Uttar Pradesh.

Rae Bareli has particular political significance for the Congress as Rahul Gandhi is its sitting Lok Sabha MP. Yadav’s decision to begin the campaign from the constituency therefore placed the SP’s alliance with the Congress in focus.

PDA Rath becomes centrepiece of campaign

The PDA Rath was rolled out as part of the SP’s mobilisation ahead of the 2027 Assembly election. The vehicle prominently carries the party’s PDA messaging, with PDA standing for Pichhde, Dalit and Alpsankhyak.

The campaign is aimed at taking the SP’s social-justice messaging to voters across Uttar Pradesh as the party prepares for the Assembly election.

During the programme, Yadav also attacked the BJP and raised issues including the Election Commission and what he described as the alleged misuse of election machinery. These are political allegations made by the SP chief and should be understood as such.

BJP reacts to Akhilesh Yadav’s campaign

The launch of the PDA Rath comes as political activity intensifies in Uttar Pradesh ahead of the 2027 Assembly election.

The BJP has responded to Yadav’s campaign and his political messaging, while the SP has continued to focus its outreach on the PDA social coalition and its alliance strategy with the Congress.

The 2027 contest is still ahead, with parties using the period before the election to strengthen their organisational networks, public outreach and alliance arrangements.

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