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Modi far ahead others in popularity, majority of Indians favour dictatorship

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Modi far ahead others in popularity, majority of Indians favour dictatorship

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  • Nearly nine out of 10 Indians hold a favourable opinion of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
  • Seven-in-ten Indians are now satisfied with the way things are going in the country.
  • More than eight-in-ten (85%) voice trust in the national government.
  • The public is also quite satisfied (79%) with the way their democracy is currently working.

These findings of a Pew Research Centre survey come as a major morale booster for the BJP ahead of some key state elections and with two years to go before the next Lok Sabha elections.

The survey was conducted just as Prime Minister Narendra Modi was going to complete three years in government, between Feb. 21 – Mar. 10, 2017, a few months after the drastic, much reviled step of demonetisation. One may quibble about the sample size of the survey, which was 2,464. It was based on face-to-face interviews with respondents in 16 of India’s 18 most populous states and Delhi.

Modi’s popularity rating in the survey is seen as unusual for a leader having completed three years in office, with no sign of his popularity waning since 2015 when his government was one year old. “Three years into Modi’s five-year tenure, the honeymoon period for his administration may be over but the public’s love affair with current conditions in India is even more intense,” Pew said.

For those who oppose Modi for being autocratic, the survey provides a reality check: A majority, 53% support military rule and 55% of Indians back a governing system in which a strong leader can make decisions without interference from parliament or the courts. Support for autocratic rule is higher in India than in any other nation surveyed. India is one of only four nations where half or more of the public supports governing by the military.

The Pew research findings also lend credence to views about the saffron party’s ‘intolerance’: BJP supporters in general had more intense and stronger views that those of other parties.

About eight-in-ten (79%) in India are satisfied with the way their democracy is currently working.

Modi’s lowest ratings are for his handling of communal relations (50%) – the long fractious tensions between Muslims and Hindus and India’s various castes – and for his efforts to curb air pollution (48%). Women are particularly critical of how he has dealt with communal relations, as are people living in northern India. Rural Indians are less supportive than those in urban areas of his handling of both communal relations and air pollution. But both of these issues are relatively low priorities for Indian adults.

The Pew survey found that 88 per cent of Indians held a favourable view of Modi, a shade higher than the 87 per cent who gave him a thumbs-up in 2015, a year after he swept to power promising to transform India into a high-growth economy.

Modi’s favourable rating is 31 percentage points higher than that of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, the leader of the main opposition Congress party, 30 points more than that for her son and Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi, who is expected to take over the party leadership, and 49 percent higher than Delhi chief minister and AAP convenor Arvind Kejriwal.

Public backing for Arvind Kejriwal has consistently dipped after coming to power in Delhi in 2015. Two years on, only 39 per cent Indians view him in a favourable light.

Not just Modi, but also his party, the BJP, continues to enjoy widespread public support. More than eight-in-ten Indians have a favourable view of the party, roughly its level of backing for the past three years, says the report.

About six-in-ten Indians express a positive opinion of the Congress party. Again, this is fairly consistent with past support. But the gap between BJP and Congress backing, which was 26 points in 2015 and then narrowed to 13 points in 2016, has now widened again to 25 points.

Indians in rural areas (63%) are more supportive of Congress than those in cities (51%). Those with a primary education or less are more likely to back Congress than are those with at least some college education.

Notably, 60% of Congress party supporters have a favourable view of the BJP. Just 45% of BJP backers hold a positive opinion of the Congress party. Neither party’s supporters hold positive views of the AAP.

While there has been much criticism of Modi government over demonetisation and growing unemployment, the poll found that more than 80 percent of those surveyed said economic conditions were good, up 19 percentage points since just before the 2014 election. “Overall, seven-in-ten Indians are now satisfied with the way things are going in the country. This positive assessment of India’s direction has nearly doubled since 2014,” Pew said.

More than 83 per cent Indians say the nation’s economy is good, and 30 per cent say it is very good.

Bloomberg reported that in an email reply, Bruce Stokes of Pew Research said that the data on hand does not include public sentiment over the last few months after signs emerged that the economy was in a funk after two economic disruptions in 6 months – demonetisation and the GST roll out. “What is important is that satisfaction with the economy was widely shared across demographic groups. And trust in the government and satisfaction with democracy was correlated with economic satisfaction,” Stokes told Bloomberg.

Roughly three-quarters of the public (76%) says the media, such as television, radio, newspapers and online news, have a good influence on the way things are going in India. But such sentiment is far less intensely felt (39% very good) and is down 16 points from public views in 2015. BJP supporters (79%) are much more likely than Congress backers (59%) to say the media have a good influence, and Congress supporters are somewhat more likely to have no view.

BJP supporters and those who live in urban areas are significantly more likely than Congress party backers and those in rural regions to support rule by a strong leader, by the military and by experts. Rural respondents and Congress supporters are significantly more likely to offer no opinion, however. Those with some college education or more are significantly more likely than those with a primary education or less to back rule by experts, although those with less education are also more likely to not answer. In general, there are no major differences by gender and age.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

India News

Renaming MGNREGA removes core spirit of rural employment law, says Shashi Tharoor

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Shashi Tharoor

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor has strongly criticised the renaming of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), saying the move strips the rural employment programme of its core essence. His remarks came after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, also referred to as the VB-G RAM G Bill.

Speaking to media, Tharoor said the decision to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the scheme “takes out the heart” of the rural employment programme that has been in place for years. He noted that the identity and philosophy associated with Mahatma Gandhi were central to the original law.

Tharoor also objected to the way the new name was framed, arguing that it unnecessarily combined multiple languages. He pointed out that the Constitution envisages the use of one language in legislation, while the Bill’s title mixes English and Hindi terms such as “Guarantee”, “Rozgar” and “Ajeevika”, along with the conjunction “and”.

‘Disrespect to both names’

The Congress leader said that inserting the word “Ram” while dropping Mahatma Gandhi’s name amounted to disrespecting both. Referring to Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas, Tharoor said that for Gandhi, the concepts of Gram Swaraj and Ram Rajya were inseparable, and removing his name from a rural employment law went against that vision.

He added that the name of Lord Ram could be used in many contexts, but questioned the rationale behind excluding Mahatma Gandhi from a programme closely linked to his philosophy of village self-rule.

Protests over passage of the Bill

The VB-G RAM G Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha on December 18 and cleared by the Rajya Sabha in the early hours of December 19 amid protests from Opposition members. Several MPs opposed the manner in which the legislation was pushed through, with scenes of sloganeering and tearing of papers in the House.

Outside Parliament, members of the Trinamool Congress staged a sit-in protest near Samvidhan Sadan against the passage of the Bill. Congress also announced nationwide protests earlier this week, accusing the government of weakening rights-based welfare schemes.

Despite opposition criticism, the government has maintained that the new law will strengthen rural employment and livelihood security. The Bill raises the guaranteed employment from 100 days to 125 days per rural household and outlines a 60:40 cost-sharing formula between the Centre and states, with a higher central share for northeastern, Himalayan states and certain Union Territories.

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Rahul Gandhi attacks G RAM G bill, says move against villages and states

Rahul Gandhi has criticised the G RAM G bill cleared by Parliament, alleging it dilutes the rights-based structure of MGNREGA and centralises control over rural employment.

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Rahul Gandhi

Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi has launched a sharp attack on the Modi government after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Employment and Livelihood Mission (Rural) Bill, commonly referred to as the ‘G RAM G’ bill. He described the proposed law as “anti-state” and “anti-village”, arguing that it weakens the core spirit of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

The new legislation, which is positioned as an updated version of MGNREGA, was passed amid protests by opposition parties and is expected to replace the existing scheme once it receives presidential assent.

‘Bulldozed without scrutiny’, says Rahul Gandhi

Rahul Gandhi criticised the manner in which the bill was cleared, saying it was pushed through Parliament without adequate debate or examination. He pointed out that the opposition’s demand to refer the bill to a standing committee was rejected.

According to him, any law that fundamentally alters the rural employment framework and affects crores of workers should undergo detailed scrutiny, expert consultation and public hearings before approval.

Claim of dilution of rights-based guarantee

Targeting the central government, the Congress leader said the proposed law dismantles the rights-based and demand-driven nature of MGNREGA and replaces it with a rationed system controlled from Delhi. He argued that this shift undermines the autonomy of states and villages.

Rahul Gandhi alleged that the intent behind the move is to centralise power and weaken labour, particularly impacting rural communities such as Dalits, OBCs and Adivasis.

Defence of MGNREGA’s impact

Highlighting the role of MGNREGA, Gandhi said the scheme provided rural workers with bargaining power, reduced distress migration and improved wages and working conditions, while also contributing to rural infrastructure development.

He also recalled the role of MGNREGA during the Covid period, stating that it prevented crores of people from slipping into hunger and debt. According to him, any rationing of a jobs programme first affects women, landless workers and the poorest communities.

Opposition to name change and provisions

The Congress has also objected to the renaming of the scheme, accusing the government of attempting to erase the legacy associated with Mahatma Gandhi. Opposition MPs staged a dharna within the Parliament complex, questioning provisions of the bill that they claim dilute the “soul and spirit” of the original law enacted in 2005.

Under MGNREGA, the government guaranteed 100 days of work in rural areas along with an unemployment allowance if work was not provided. The ‘G RAM G’ bill proposes to raise the guaranteed workdays to 125, while retaining other provisions. However, critics have flagged concerns over employment being linked to pre-approved plans.

The bill was cleared after a midnight voice vote in the Rajya Sabha, following its passage in the Lok Sabha amid protests and walkouts. It will become law once approved by the President.

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G RAM G bill replacing MGNREGA passes Parliament amid opposition walkout and protests

The G RAM G Bill replacing MGNREGA has been passed by Parliament after overnight debate in the Rajya Sabha, triggering protests and walkouts by opposition parties.

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Parliament

Parliament has cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Employment and Livelihood Mission (Rural) Bill, commonly referred to as the G RAM G Bill, paving the way for the replacement of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA). The legislation was passed within two days amid sharp political confrontation, walkouts and overnight protests by opposition parties.

The bill was approved by the Lok Sabha despite repeated disruptions and protests. In the Rajya Sabha, the debate stretched beyond midnight, with voting held around 12.15 am. The bill was eventually passed by a voice vote after opposition members staged a walkout, leaving the ruling alliance members present in the House.

Opposition objects to name change and provisions

The Congress and other opposition parties mounted a strong challenge to the bill, objecting both to the change in the scheme’s name and its revised framework. A key point of contention was the removal of Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the legislation, which opposition leaders said reflected an ideological shift rather than a policy necessity.

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge launched a sharp attack during the Rajya Sabha debate, urging the government to withdraw the bill and warning that it would harm the rural poor. He accused the government of speaking in the name of welfare while undermining the interests of vulnerable communities, making an emotional appeal to reconsider the legislation.

Several opposition members initially demanded that the bill be referred to a standing committee for detailed scrutiny. When that demand was not accepted, they called for the bill’s withdrawal and later staged a walkout. Members of the Trinamool Congress and other parties subsequently sat on a dharna within Parliament premises.

Heated exchanges in the Upper House

The debate witnessed intense exchanges between the treasury benches and the opposition. Trinamool Congress MP Derek O’Brien linked the passage of the bill with developments in West Bengal, alleging that the Centre’s actions had consequences for the implementation of rural employment schemes in the state. He also referred to the state government’s decision to rename its employment initiative following the Lok Sabha vote.

As Rural Development Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan rose to reply, opposition members raised slogans demanding the withdrawal of what they termed a “black bill”. When the protests continued, opposition MPs walked out, allowing the bill to be passed without their presence.

Responding sharply, Chouhan criticised the walkout and accused the opposition of refusing to engage in debate. He defended the government’s move, arguing that the earlier scheme had suffered from corruption and inefficiencies, and said the new law was drafted after consultations with stakeholders.

Government defends overhaul of rural employment scheme

The government has maintained that updating the two-decade-old MGNREGA framework was necessary to address structural shortcomings and align it with current rural needs. According to the provisions outlined, the new law increases the guaranteed days of work from 100 to 125 while retaining key elements of the earlier scheme.

However, critics have pointed out that employment under the new framework will be based on pre-approved plans rather than demand-driven applications at the gram panchayat level. The work categories have also been streamlined into four segments—water security, core rural infrastructure, livelihood-related assets, and climate resilience—raising concerns that local flexibility may be reduced.

Opposition leaders have argued that these changes dilute the original spirit of MGNREGA, which was designed as a rights-based, demand-driven employment guarantee programme.

Protests continue after passage

Following the bill’s passage, opposition parties reiterated their charge that the legislation weakens the guarantee, livelihood assurance and social security that formed the core of the original programme introduced in 2005. Despite these objections, the government’s numerical strength ensured the bill’s smooth passage through both Houses.

With parliamentary approval now secured, the G RAM G Bill is set to replace MGNREGA, marking a significant shift in India’s rural employment policy framework amid continuing political debate.

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