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Scholars question EPW Trust decisions on article on Adani, action against editor

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Scholars question EPW Trust decisions on article on Adani, action against editor

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]More than 150 members of the academic community and contributors to the EPW have written an open letter to the directors of Sameeksha Trust, which brings out the journal Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), questioning their decision to remove an article on the Adani Group from the EPW website and impose restrictions on the editor. They have asked the trustees to make an effort to engage with the larger community on recent events and restore the independent nature of the journal, questioning their decision to cow down to corporate pressure.

On July 18, Economic and Political Weekly (EPW) editor Paranjoy Guha Thakurta resigned from his position after directors of the Sameeksha Trust ordered that he take down an article on the Adani Group. The Adani Group had written to the board and Guha Thakurta saying that the article was defamatory and threatened to take them to court.

Guha Thakurta has said that, in addition to asking that the article be taken down, the board told him he could no longer publish articles with his by-line in the journal and would have to work with a co-editor in the future.

The board members, in their statement, have not denied this or questioned the factual nature of the original articles. They said instead that Guha Thakurta had “exceeded his brief” by responding to the Adani Group’s letter on his own and initiating legal process on behalf of the Sameeksha Trust “without informing, let alone obtaining approval of, the Trust”.

The Sameeksha Trust’s actions upset the wider community of scholars who have been part of the ‘EPW community’ as readers and writers. Their letter to Sameeksha Trust directors and the list of signatories is reproduced below:

Open letter to the board members of the Sameeksha Trust

As long-standing well-wishers and members of the intellectual community served by the EPW, we are appalled and dismayed by the recent events leading to the abrupt resignation of the editor, Paranjoy Guha Thakurta.

We are distressed that the board of the Sameeksha Trust has insisted that the editor retract an article published in the journal, and is preparing to introduce new norms for the board-editor relationship and appoint a co-editor. It is obvious that, taken together, these actions (mentioned by the editor in interviews to the press and not denied in the statement issued by the trust) would force any self-respecting editor to resign. By failing to distinguish between internal issues of procedural propriety in the board-editor relationship from the much larger question of the EPW’s public reputation for integrity, the board of the Sameeksha Trust has dealt a strong blow to the journal’s credibility.

Paranjoy Guha Thakurta’s professional reputation has been primarily that of an investigative journalist of several decades standing. His well-known past exposés have delved into the malpractices of large corporations and the frequent complicity of state institutions in such corrupt practices. That such journalism could provoke retaliation by those investigated may be expected. These facts must have been known to the board of trustees of the Sameeksha Trust when they appointed Guha Thakurta as editor just 15 months earlier. It is one thing to wonder if the editor may have erred in initiating legal action on behalf of the Trust without first consulting its board, and quite another to withdraw an already published article from the journal. If the board believes the article to be mistaken in its facts, it must issue a public apology and retraction.  If it is only concerned that due deference was not shown to the board, it must publicly stand by the article. By forcing the editor’s resignation without clarifying its stand on the substance of the article, the board has diminished the institution that it is mandated to nurture.

The fact that a legal notice was sent to the editor and the publishers (Sameeksha Trust) of EPW, for an ongoing investigation on the tweaking of rules that have benefited the Adani Group, is not surprising. Legal notices have unfortunately become the standard means used to intimidate and suppress investigative journalism. When they translate into court cases that can extend over years, they obviously add to costs and further harassment of honest journalists. However, as long as all the published material can be adequately substantiated and verified, there is little reason to fear an adverse result from the judicial process. But publishers MUST stand behind and back their editors on this if the journals are to maintain their independence and credibility.

India is currently living through a dark period in which there are real concerns about freedom and independence of intellectual expression, both for academics and journalists, with significant corporate takeover of major media houses and increasing instances of overt and covert intimidation of independent thinking and debate. In this context, reports of what appears to be a capitulation by the board of trustees of Sameeksha Trust –  removing the “offending” article from the EPW website and trying to impose humiliating terms on the editor – are alarming. The EPW has a long and distinguished tradition of promoting independent and critical thinking that is vital in a democracy. We expect the current trustees to be mindful of our inherited legacy that they hold in trust on behalf of us as scholars, analysts and activists in India and abroad, who have contributed to EPW over long decades. They need to take immediate steps to restore the prestige and credibility of the journal and the Sameeksha Trust. This letter is therefore also asking the Trust, which (regardless of its purely legal status) is in the nature of a body accountable to a larger public, to create channels of communication between the Trust and the EPW community so as to strengthen the autonomy and integrity of EPW.

  1. AR Vasavi, Independent researcher Bangalore
  2. Aabid Firdausi, Kerala University
  3. Abdi Seido, Dire Dawa University, Ethiopia
  4. Abhijit Banerjee, Professor, MIT
  5. Abhijit Sen, Retired Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
  6. Aditya Nigam, Professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
  7. Akeel Bilgrami, Sidney Morgenbesser Professor of Philosophy, Columbia University
  8. Alicia Puyana Mutis, Professor, Flacso, Mexico City
  9. Amar Yumnam, Professor, Manipur University, India.
  10. Amita Baviskar, Professor, Institute of Economic Growth
  11. Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Emeritus Professor, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata
  12. Anamitra Roychowdhury, JNU
  13. Anand Chakravarti, Retired Professor, University of Delhi
  14. Anandhi S., Professor, MIDS Chennai
  15. Andrew Cornford, Geneva Finance Observatory
  16. Anis Chowdhury, Professor, University of Western Sydney
  17. Anupam Mitra
  18. Arindam Sen, Editor, Liberation, Kolkata
  19. Ashish Rajadhyaksha, Independent researcher, Bangalore
  20. Ashok Chowdhury, All India Union of Forest Working People
  21. Ashwini Deshpande, Professor, Delhi School of Economics
  22. Avinash Kumar, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
  23. Avnesh Kumar Gupta, World Forum of Economists
  24. Balwinder Singh Tiwana, Punjabi University
  25. Bina Agarwal, Professor, University of Manchester
  26. Bindu Oberoi, Indraprastha College for Women, Delhi University
  27. CP Chandrasekhar, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  28. Carol Upadhya, NIAS Bangalore
  29. Chandra Dutt, Director, COSTFORD, Kerala
  30. Collins Mtika, Director – Centre for Investigative Journalism – Malawi
  31. Dhruva Narayan, Centre for Social Development
  32. Dia Dacosta, University of Alberta
  33. Dipa Sinha, BR Ambedkar University, Delhi
  34. EAS Sarma, IAS Retd, Hyderabad
  35. Eleuterio Prado, Professor, São Paulo University, Brazil
  36. Farah Naqvi, Writer and activist, Delhi
  37. Geeta Kapur, Art scholar, Delhi
  38. Gita Chadha, University of Mumbai
  39. Gopi Kanta Ghosh, Independent researcher
  40. Hemant Adlakha, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  41. Himanshu, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  42. Itty Abraham, National University of Singapore
  43. J Devika, Centre for Development Studies, Kerala
  44. J George, (Rtd) Independent Researcher, DELHI
  45. Jai Sen, World Social Forum
  46. Janaki Abraham, Delhi School of Economics
  47. Janaki Nair, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  48. Jayati Ghosh, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  49. Jeemol Unni, University of Ahmedabad
  50. Jesim Pais, Society for Social and Economic Research
  51. Jomo Kwame Sundaram, Malaysia
  52. Joseph MT, University of Mumbai
  53. K Ramakrishnan, Chennai
  54. K Srivatsan, Anveshi Research Centre Hyderabad
  55. Kalpana Kannabiran, Council for Social Development, Hyderabad
  56. Kalyan Shankar Ray, Bhubaneswar
  57. Kannan Srinivasan, New York
  58. Kunibert Raffer, retired Professor, University of Vienna
  59. Kushankur Dey, Xavier University Bhubaneswar
  60. Kuttappan Vijayachandran, Industrial Research Services
  61. Lata Mani, Bangalore
  62. Laurence Cox, National University of Ireland and Fondation des Sciences des Hommes Paris
  63. Lawrence Shute, Prof Emeritus, California State Polytechnic University
  64. Laxmi Murthy, Bengaluru
  65. M Vijayabaskar, Professor, Madras Institute of Development Studies
  66. MS Bhatt, retired Professor, Jamia Millia Islamia
  67. MV Ramana, Professor, University of British Columbia, Canada
  68. Malancha Chakrabarty, Observer Research Foundation
  69. Mandeep Kaur, Dyal Singh College
  70. Mandira Sarma, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  71. Mani Kumar, Independent researcher
  72. Manoranjan Mohanty, retired Professor, Delhi University
  73. Mary E John, Professor, CWDS, New Delhi
  74. Martha Nussbaum, University of Chicago
  75. Matt Meyer, International Peace Research Association
  76. Meyer Brownstone, Professor Emeritus, University of Toronto
  77. Mohammad Konneh
  78. Mritunjoy Mohanty, Professor, IIM, Kolkata
  79. Mustafa Ozer, Anadolu University, Turkey
  80. N Krishnaji, retired, Centre for Development Studies
  81. N Mani, Erode College, Kerala
  82. Nandini Sundar, Professor, University of Delhi
  83. Navnita Behera, IRIIS
  84. Nayanjyoti, Research Scholar, Delhi University
  85. Nirmalangshu Mukherji, Professor, Delhi University
  86. Nivedita Menon, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
  87. Noam Chomsky, Professor, MIT
  88. Oishik Sirkar, Jindal Law University, Sonepat
  89. Padmini Swaminathan, retired Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Hyderabad
  90. Paris Yeros, Professor, Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
  91. Partha Chatterjee, Professor, Columbia University
  92. Partha Ray, IIM Calcutta
  93. Patrick Bond, Professor, University of Witwatersrand, South Africa
  94. Prabhu Mohapatra, University of Delhi
  95. Pradip Kumar Datta, JNU
  96. Pranab Bardhan, University of California Berkeley
  97. Praveen Jha, Professor, JNU
  98. Prem Chowdhry, Historian
  99. Pushpendra, Professor Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Patna
  100. R Nagaraj, IGIDR
  101. R Ramakumar, Professor, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
  102. R Srivatsan, Anveshi Research Centre for Women’s Studies
  103. Radha D’Souza, University of Westminster
  104. Radhika Desai, Professor, University College, Manitoba
  105. Radhika Singha, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  106. Rajarshi Dasgupta, Journalist, Kolkata
  107. Rajender Singh Negi
  108. Rajni Palriwala, University of Delhi
  109. Rama Melkote, retired Professor, Osmania University
  110. Ramchandra Guha, Bengaluru
  111. Ranjini Mazumdar, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
  112. Ravi K Tripathi, Université Pairs XIII – Sorbonne Paris
  113. Ravi Sundaram, CSDS, Delhi
  114. Rohit Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  115. Rosa Abraham, Institute of Social and Economic Change, Bengaluru
  116. S Parasuraman, Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai
  117. SV Narayanan, Independent Analyst
  118. Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, Professor Emeritus, JNU
  119. Sakuntala Narasimhan, Independent scholar
  120. Samuel H Daniel, Independent researcher USA
  121. Sanjay Srivastava, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi
  122. Sashi Kumar, Chairman, Media Development Foundation, Chennai
  123. Satish Deshpande, Professor, Delhi University
  124. Seth Sandrowsky, Sacramento, California
  125. Shambhu Ghatak, Associate Fellow, Inclusive Media for Change
  126. Shipra Nigam, Research Scholar
  127. SK Godwin, SK, IIM Kolkata
  128. Sudeshna Banerji, Jadavpur University
  129. Sudip Chaudhuri, Professor IIM Kolkata
  130. Sumit Mazumdar, Institute of Public Health, Kalyani
  131. Sumit Sarkar, retired Professor, University of Delhi
  132. Sunanda Sen, retired Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  133. Suneetha Achyuta, Coordinator, Anveshi Research Centre for Women’s Studies
  134. Sunil Khilnani, Professor, King’s College London
  135. Sunil Mani, Director, CDS Trivandrum
  136. Surajit C Mukhopadhyay, Seacom Skills University
  137. Sushil Khanna, Professor, IIM, Kolkata
  138. Susie Tharu, Professor Emerita, English and Foreign Languages University Swati Pillai, Watershed Organisation Trust Pune
  139. T M Thomas Isaac, Finance Minister, Government of Kerala
  140. Tanika Sarkar, retired Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
  141. Tejaswini Niranjana, Professor, Lingnan University, Hongkong
  142. Uma Chakravarti, retired historian, Delhi University
  143. Uma M Bhrugabanda, EFLU Hyderabad
  144. Uma Maheswari Bhrugubanda, EFL University
  145. V Geetha, Independent scholar, Chennai
  146. Veena Naregal, Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi University
  147. Veena Shatrugna, retired, National Institute of Nutrition Hyderabad
  148. Venkatesh Athreya, Professor of Economics (Retired), Bharathidasan University
  149. Vikas Rawal, Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  150. Vipin Negi, University of Delhi
  151. Vishal Sarin, LP University
  152. Vivan Sundaram, Artist, Delhi
  153. Yılmaz Akyüz, Chief Economist, South Centre (Former director, UNCTAD)
  154. Zoya Hasan, Professor Emerita, Jawaharlal Nehru University

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India News

Chandrashekhar Azad to be CM candidate of alliance with Owaisi for Uttar Pradesh elections

Asaduddin Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, bringing together the AIMIM and Azad Samaj Party in an effort to consolidate Dalit and Muslim voters.

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Asaduddin Owaisi’s All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) have joined hands ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, seeking to emerge as a third political force and draw support from sections of Muslim and Dalit voters.

As part of the alliance, Owaisi declared Chandrashekhar Azad as the alliance’s Chief Ministerial face for the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

Owaisi had been seeking a place in the Opposition alliance for months and had even issued ultimatums to the Samajwadi Party and Congress. However, his efforts did not find takers.

The alliance brings together AIMIM’s focus on Muslim political representation and the Azad Samaj Party’s outreach among Dalit voters. Both parties are seeking to establish a political formation outside the BJP-led NDA and the Samajwadi Party-led opposition.

Why Owaisi and Chandrashekhar Azad joined hands

Uttar Pradesh AIMIM president Shaukat Ali said the party approached Chandrashekhar Azad after its efforts to reach an understanding with the Samajwadi Party, Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party did not succeed.

Ali said AIMIM wanted a broader alliance to prevent the BJP from returning to power in Uttar Pradesh for a third consecutive term.

He also criticised the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance, questioning its prospects in the next Assembly elections.

Chandrashekhar Azad, the Lok Sabha MP from Nagina, said the partnership would focus on empowering young people, farmers and weaker sections of society.

He also raised concerns over employment opportunities, demonetisation and issues affecting educated youth from Dalit and backward communities.

What the alliance means for Akhilesh Yadav’s PDA strategy

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav has used the PDA formulation to bring together backward classes, Dalits and minorities. The AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance is seeking support among two important sections of this broader social grouping.

Muslims account for around 20 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, while Dalits constitute approximately 21 per cent.

What the parties’ previous election performance shows

Both AIMIM and the Azad Samaj Party have struggled to establish a significant presence in Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

In the 2022 Assembly elections, AIMIM contested more than 90 seats but secured less than 0.5 per cent of the total votes. The Azad Samaj Party contested more than 100 seats and received approximately 0.13 per cent of the votes.

Chandrashekhar Azad, however, won the Nagina Lok Sabha constituency in 2024, giving his party its first elected representative in Parliament.

The alliance is now attempting to combine AIMIM’s support among sections of Muslim voters with Azad’s outreach among Dalit communities.

Its electoral prospects will depend on the seat-sharing arrangement, local leadership and whether the two parties can translate their combined social outreach into electoral support.

SP leaders respond to the alliance

Samajwadi Party MP from Ayodhya, Awadhesh Prasad, dismissed the electoral significance of the AIMIM-Azad Samaj Party alliance. He said that people in Uttar Pradesh had lost faith in the BJP government and described Akhilesh Yadav as the only leader capable of removing the BJP from power in 2027.

The alliance’s formation could therefore become an important factor in the political discussions ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections, particularly because both leaders are seeking support among communities that the Samajwadi Party also hopes to bring together through its PDA formulation.

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India News

Mother Dairy raises milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12

Mother Dairy has increased milk prices by Rs 2-4 per litre from November 12. Full cream milk will now cost Rs 76 per litre, while toned milk will be priced at Rs 62.

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Mother Dairy has increased the prices of its liquid milk variants by Rs 2 to Rs 4 per litre, with the revised rates coming into effect from Thursday, November 12. The price revision will affect consumers in the Delhi-NCR market, where the dairy company is a major milk supplier.

The increase comes amid rising input costs, particularly higher procurement prices paid to farmers. According to sources, the company has decided to pass on part of the additional cost to consumers.

A spokesperson for Mother Dairy declined to comment on the latest price revision.

Check new Mother Dairy milk prices

The revised rates cover several liquid milk variants sold in the NCR market. Full cream milk has seen the highest increase of Rs 4 per litre.

Here are the revised prices:

Milk variantOld priceNew price
Toned milk (bulk vended)Rs 58Rs 60
Full cream milk (pouched)Rs 72Rs 76
Toned milk (pouched)Rs 60Rs 62
Double toned milkRs 54Rs 56
Cow milkRs 62Rs 65

The new prices will be applicable from November 12.

Why Mother Dairy has increased milk prices

The latest revision follows an increase in the procurement prices of milk from farmers. Sources said the higher procurement costs have prompted Mother Dairy to partly transfer the additional input expenses to consumers.

The company passes on around 75-80 per cent of its milk sales realisation to farmers.

Mother Dairy had last increased milk prices on May 14, 2026. Before that, its previous price revision took place in April 2025.

Mother Dairy’s daily milk sales

Mother Dairy sells approximately 35 lakh litres of milk every day in the Delhi-NCR market through its own outlets, general trade channels and e-commerce platforms.

Its overall daily milk sales exceed 50 lakh litres.

The company recorded a 17 per cent increase in turnover to Rs 20,300 crore in the last financial year. The growth was supported by improved demand for its milk products and cooking oils.

About Mother Dairy

Commissioned in 1974, Mother Dairy is a wholly owned subsidiary of the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB).

The company sells milk and milk products under the Mother Dairy brand. It markets edible oils under the Dhara brand, while fresh fruits and vegetables, frozen vegetables, snacks, pulps and concentrates are sold under the Safal brand.

Mother Dairy operates nine milk processing plants and four horticulture processing plants. Its edible oil operations are supported by 16 associated plants.

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India News

Air pollution as big a health emergency as COVID, says former WHO chief Soumya Swaminathan

Former WHO Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan said air pollution should be treated with the same urgency as COVID, highlighting its effects on children, pregnancy and multiple organs.

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Air pollution should be treated as a major public health emergency requiring an urgent and coordinated response, former World Health Organisation (WHO) Chief Scientist Dr Soumya Swaminathan has said.

In an exclusive interview, Dr Swaminathan compared the scale of the air pollution health crisis with COVID and said its effects can extend across the body, including the brain, lungs and cardiovascular system. She also highlighted links between pollution exposure and conditions such as asthma and diabetes.

Why air pollution needs a COVID-like response

Dr Swaminathan said COVID triggered an immediate public response because it was sudden, visible and associated with an unknown virus. Air pollution, by contrast, is often less visible and its effects accumulate over time.

She said people may become accustomed to pollution because it is not always visible, particularly outside the winter months. But she stressed that prolonged exposure can still cause serious health damage.

She called for the issue to receive an “equal, urgent, coordinated and scientific” response, similar to the approach taken during the COVID crisis.

PM2.5 poses risks from pregnancy to childhood

Dr Swaminathan also highlighted concerns about exposure to fine particulate matter, particularly PM2.5, among pregnant women and children.

According to her, these tiny particles can enter the lungs and bloodstream and may also reach the placenta. She pointed to higher rates of premature births and low birth weight among babies born in areas where mothers are exposed to high levels of air pollution.

She also said children are particularly vulnerable because their brains and other organs are developing rapidly. Children breathe faster than adults, and those growing up in heavily polluted areas can have smaller lungs, she said.

Why AQI may not tell the full health story

Dr Swaminathan suggested moving beyond the conventional Air Quality Index (AQI) towards an Air Quality Health Index (AHQI).

The proposal would place greater emphasis on how individual pollutants affect different groups of people. She noted that the dominant pollutant can vary from one city to another, while its health impact may also differ for groups such as pregnant women and children.

The current AQI uses eight major pollutants as parameters: PM10, PM2.5, ozone, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen dioxide, carbon monoxide, lead and ammonia. The overall AQI is determined by the highest pollutant sub-index.

Swaminathan does not favour shutting schools

On protecting children from polluted air, Dr Swaminathan said she was not in favour of simply closing schools.

She argued that children from poorer families may continue breathing polluted air at home, while also losing access to education, social interaction and midday meals.

Instead, she suggested making school environments cleaner. Her proposals included installing air purifiers in classrooms, providing pick-and-drop bus facilities and encouraging older children to wear masks when outdoors.

Five measures suggested to tackle pollution

Dr Swaminathan outlined five key measures for addressing the pollution crisis:

  1. Launch a national clean air programme, which she suggested could be called the “Swachh Vaayu Abhiyan”.
  2. Prepare a costed, long-term plan with sustained investment and study lessons from countries such as China.
  3. Establish empowered leadership and accountability for tackling air pollution.
  4. Create a panel of experts to develop a science-based, multi-sectoral and multi-year plan.
  5. Put health at the centre of air pollution policy.

She also supported treating the right to clean air as a basic public health entitlement, linking it to the constitutional right to life.

Dr Swaminathan’s central argument was that air pollution should no longer be treated as a slow-moving or routine environmental problem, but as a serious health crisis requiring sustained action.

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