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Should Journalists Protect National Interest Or Publish And Be Damned?

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By Saeed Naqvi

Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s fate hangs in the balance on unexplained finances, most specifically for apartments he acquired on London’s most expensive stretch, Park Lane, facing Hyde Park. I visited the most prized of these apartments on October 15, 1999, days after Gen. Pervez Musharraf ousted him in a coup on October 12.

To make sense of the military handouts explaining the situation, I turned up in London to interview his youngest son, Hasan then 23, who, I presumed would have been in touch with members of his family in Islamabad and Lahore.

What struck me and my camera crew were the rich, opulent interiors, heavy curtains one would expect at the Savoy and the Dorchester, sofas with upholstery so expensive as to hover between class and vulgarity. The deep corridors lead to many bedrooms, one of which Hasan occupied even when he was at London University. To elevate the grand style of the Sharifs was a butler in attendance, wearing tails of impeccable cut, as if he were off to the Ascot races.

My interview with Hasan was about the coup and its aftermath, but as the 118 Park Lane acquired saliency in the current corruption saga, I looked at the video again from the angle of “ill-gotten wealth”. There was plenty of it in the footage.

A thought crossed my mind: it might be of interest to TV channels in Pakistan.

Immediately, my hand was stayed by a left-liberal friend in the media.

“This footage will weaken civil society which is suspicious of Imran Khan’s collusion with the army.”

Two schools of journalism were suddenly in conflict. Should Nawaz Sharif’s alleged corruption be overlooked because protecting him against Imran Khan served some higher purpose? Publish and be damned is what I had been taught when confronted with such situations.

Another story, ironically this one concerning Imran Khan, comes to mind.

I had turned up in Israel, to interview Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir totally against the advice of my left-liberal friends – Prof. Mushirul Hasan, for instance. Muslim Congressmen surrounding Rajiv Gandhi were advising him against upgrading relations with Israel “because the Muslim vote would be adversely affected.” This, I wrote, was rubbish. Salman Rushdie, Shah Bano, Babari Masjid and relations with Israel were not life and death issues for Indian Muslims. Education, entrepreneurial help, jobs were the substantive issue. It was this argument I had armed myself with for my journey to Jerusalem. We would be that much more influential on the Palestinian issue I had argued.

Linda, the Press Secretary to Shamir showed me a list of “Pakistanis who claimed to have been sent by Imran Khan to explore relations with the Jewish state”. Remember Jemima was married to Imran and her multi billionaire father, Sir James Goldsmith wielded great influence in Jerusalem. I did not write that story because Imran then was much more a cricketer than politician. Moreover, Linda had shared this information in confidence on a personal basis.

When Benazir Bhutto sought a conversation with Israeli President Ezer Weizman during Nelson Mandela’s inauguration in Pretoria in 1994, I did mention the fact. She was a Prime Minister, trying to connect with Israel clandestinely.

When the Janata government under Morarji Desai encouraged Bhutan to open up gradually in international affairs, south block was split on the pace of this openness. At this juncture the successor government of Prime Minister Charan Singh, hurriedly invited Shyam Nandan Mishra, the MP from Bihar, to attend the Non Aligned Summit in Havana in September 1979 as the new External Affairs Minister. A novice in world affairs, Mishra put his foot in his mouth on a secret treaty which guides Indo-Bhutan relations.

So cross was King Jigme Singye Wangchuk that he invited me to Mumbai where he was halting on his journey from Havana. This was most unprecedented. No king of Bhutan had ever given an interview to a journalist.

The interview, published behind the back of the establishment, created a sensation. The hawks in South Block were angry because I had provided a forum to the King to vent his anger on a very sensitive issue which may give a handle to China. In those days also “grazing grounds” between Bhutan and China were an issue. Head of Bhutan’s Geological Survey, Sonam Ragbey, was in and out of New Delhi with maps. It was all very hush, hush.

The dilemma facing me then was: should I have anticipated the Indian hawks and, posing as a protector of the national interest, killed the story? Or should I abide by the old dictum: publish and be dammed?

I took the latter route.

A quest for balance on International Affairs in the Indian media has always been a fool’s errand. The Imperial-colonial stranglehold obtains to this day. When Ronald Reagan bombed Bengazi and Tripoli in April 1986 because US intelligence had picked up chatter in a Berlin discotheque that Libyan terrorists were about to target Western locations, the story was either not noticed in India or the western version was wallowed hook line and sinker.

When I turned up in Tripoli to interview Qaddafi whose six month old daughter had been killed in the air raid on his Palace, I was regarded as a subversive, blackleg by the western press corps. I still remember a disapproving Kate Aide of the BBC in the hotel room opposite mine.

The entire anti Qaddafi propaganda was based on falsehoods. Should I go along with the powerful conventional wisdom forged globally or puncture it since I had witnessed the incontrovertible truth?

The interview made banner headlines in European newspapers like La Republica, but I also lived to see how powerful the western lobbies were on that solitary event.

Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, who had dispatched his external affairs minister, Bali Ram Bhagat to commiserate with Qaddafi in Tripoli, came under such heavy pressure from the Reagan White House, that he was obliged to make Bhagat the scapegoat. He was sacked.

It was clear as daylight once again that in situations like this, whatever the official line, the only principle a journalist with spine must abide by is, “publish and be damned”.

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Bondi Beach shooting during Jewish festival leaves at least 15 dead

Australia’s Bondi Beach was rocked by the deadliest shooting in decades as a father and son opened fire during a Jewish festival, killing at least 15 people.

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Bondi shooting Australia

At least 15 people were killed and dozens injured after a mass shooting at Sydney’s iconic Bondi Beach during a Jewish celebration, in what authorities have described as the deadliest gun attack in Australia in almost 30 years.

Police on Monday confirmed that the two attackers were a father and his son. The older man, identified as 50-year-old Sajid Akram, was shot dead by police at the scene, while his 24-year-old son Naveed Akram was injured and is undergoing treatment at a hospital.

The attack occurred during the “Chanukah by the Sea” event, held to mark the beginning of the eight-day Hanukkah festival. Around 1,000 people were attending the gathering in a small park near the beach when gunfire erupted, triggering panic among crowds enjoying a busy summer evening.

What happened at bondi beach

According to authorities, emergency services received the first calls about shots being fired around 6:45 pm. Witnesses said the attack lasted roughly 10 minutes, with people running across the sand and into nearby streets to escape the gunfire.

Videos from the scene showed two men firing long guns from a footbridge leading to the beach. Police have not officially confirmed the exact weapons used, though footage suggested a bolt-action rifle and a shotgun.

In one widely shared clip, a bystander was seen tackling and disarming one of the gunmen. The man was later praised by state leadership as a “genuine hero.” A public fundraising effort launched for him had raised over A$200,000 by Monday morning.

Attackers and investigation

Police said one of the attackers was known to security agencies, though there was no prior indication of a planned assault. Authorities later confirmed they were confident only two people were involved.

The younger attacker is an Australian-born citizen. Officials said the father had arrived in Australia in 1998 on a student visa, later transitioning to other residency permits. Investigators also searched the family’s home in Bonnyrigg, in western Sydney, where a heavy police presence remained through Monday.

Victims and community impact

Those killed ranged in age from 10 to 87 years. At least 42 others were hospitalised, several of them in critical condition. An Orthodox Jewish organisation confirmed that one of the victims was Rabbi Eli Schlanger, an assistant rabbi and one of the organisers of the event.

Eyewitnesses described scenes of chaos and fear. A young lifesaver present at the beach said seeing injured people, including children, was deeply distressing and unlike anything he had experienced before.

Community leaders urged unity and calm in the aftermath, stressing the importance of supporting those affected rather than allowing anger to divide communities.

Leaders condemn attack

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese visited Bondi Beach on Monday to pay tribute to the victims, calling the shooting a “dark moment for our nation.” He described the incident as an act of antisemitism and terrorism, assuring the Jewish community of the government’s full support.

Several world leaders, including the US President, the French President and India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, condemned the attack and expressed solidarity with Australia.

Authorities said the shooting was the most serious antisemitic attack in the country in decades, coming amid a rise in incidents targeting Jewish institutions since late 2023. Investigations into the motive behind the attack are ongoing.

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US lawmakers move resolution to roll back Trump’s 50% tariffs on Indian imports

Three US lawmakers have moved a resolution to end Trump’s emergency declaration that imposed 50% tariffs on Indian goods, calling the move illegal and harmful to trade ties.

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Three members of the US House of Representatives have introduced a resolution seeking to end former President Donald Trump’s national emergency declaration that led to steep tariffs on imports from India. The lawmakers termed the duties illegal and warned that they have hurt American consumers, workers and long-standing India-US economic ties.

The resolution has been moved by Representatives Deborah Ross, Marc Veasey and Raja Krishnamoorthi. It aims to terminate the emergency powers used to impose import duties that cumulatively raised tariffs on several Indian-origin goods to 50 per cent.

What the resolution seeks to change

According to details shared by media, the proposal specifically seeks to rescind an additional 25 per cent “secondary” tariff imposed on August 27, 2025. This was levied over and above earlier reciprocal tariffs, taking the total duty to 50 per cent under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act.

The House move follows a separate bipartisan effort in the US Senate that targeted similar tariffs imposed on Brazil, signalling growing resistance in Congress to the use of emergency powers for trade actions.

Lawmakers flag impact on US economy and consumers

Congresswoman Deborah Ross highlighted the deep economic links between India and her home state of North Carolina, noting that Indian companies have invested over a billion dollars there, creating thousands of jobs in sectors such as technology and life sciences. She also pointed out that manufacturers from the state export hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of goods to India each year.

Congressman Marc Veasey said the tariffs amount to a tax on American households already facing high costs, stressing that India remains an important cultural, economic and strategic partner for the United States.

Indian-American Congressman Raja Krishnamoorthi described the duties as counterproductive, saying they disrupt supply chains, harm American workers and push up prices for consumers. He added that rolling back the tariffs would help strengthen economic and security cooperation between the two countries.

Background of the tariff hike

Earlier in August 2025, the Trump administration imposed a 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, which came into effect from August 1. This was followed days later by another 25 per cent increase, citing India’s continued purchase of Russian oil. The combined duties were justified by the administration as a measure linked to Moscow’s war efforts in Ukraine.

Wider push against unilateral trade actions

The latest resolution is part of a broader push by congressional Democrats to challenge unilateral trade measures and reassert Congress’ constitutional authority over trade policy. In October, the same lawmakers, along with several other members of Congress, had urged the President to reverse the tariff decisions and work towards repairing strained bilateral relations with India.

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Mexico imposes 50% tariff on Indian imports, auto exports maybe hit

Mexico’s approval of 50% import duties on select goods from India and other Asian countries threatens nearly $1 billion worth of Indian exports, especially in the automobile sector.

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Mexico has cleared steep import duties of up to 50% on several goods from Asian nations, a move that places nearly $1 billion worth of Indian exports at risk from January 1, 2026. The decision targets countries that do not have a trade agreement with Mexico, including India, South Korea, China, Thailand and Indonesia.

Mexico moves to shield domestic industry

The new duties—covering items such as automobiles, auto parts, textiles, plastics, steel, footwear, furniture, toys, appliances, leather goods, and cosmetics—are aimed at strengthening local manufacturing. Mexico says the tariff push is designed to reduce dependence on Asian imports and support domestic producers.

China stands to face the highest impact, with Mexican imports from the country touching $130 billion in 2024. According to Mexico, the revised tax structure is also expected to generate $3.8 billion in additional revenue.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum has backed the decision, framing it as an investment in domestic employment creation. Analysts, however, believe the move may also align with the United States’ expectations ahead of the upcoming United States–Mexico–Canada (USMCA) review.

Impact on India’s automobile exports

The sharpest blow for India will fall on its automobile sector. Imports of passenger cars into Mexico will now face 50% duty instead of the earlier 20%, threatening the competitiveness of major exporters including Volkswagen, Hyundai, Nissan and Maruti Suzuki.

Industry estimates cited in a report say around $1 billion worth of Indian automobile shipments could be affected. Ahead of the tariff announcement, an industry body had urged the Indian government to engage with Mexican authorities to safeguard market access.

Mexico is currently India’s third-largest car export destination, trailing only South Africa and Saudi Arabia.

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