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Why the BJP is (over)confident that it will win in UP

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A blinkered view gives a pretty picture where the party accesses large sections except Muslims

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]A blinkered view gives a pretty picture where the party accesses large sections save Muslims

By Parsa Venkateshwar Rao Jr

There is little doubt that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is emotionally, ideologically and politically invested in Uttar Pradesh. The most populous state is at the heart of the Hindu heartland. BJP does not fight shy of the fact that it is a Hindi heartland party. As a matter of fact it wants to flaunt it even.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has set his heart on UP from 2013 onwards when he was declared the prime ministerial candidate of the party in the 2014 Lok Sabha election. First, he chose to contest from Varanasi, with its unmistakable Hindu connection. Then he deputed Amit Shah, his Gujarat confidante to focus on UP in 2014. The strategy seemed to have paid off. The BJP won 73 of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in the state. It was natural that Shah was credited with the success of the BJP juggernaut in UP, and he was rewarded by making him the president of the party.

Now, both Modi and Shah want to prove that they have grown roots in UP. As one of Modi’s cabinet ministers said on condition of anonymity, “We (the BJP) want to prove that 2014 Lok Sabha election was no fluke.” So, Modi, Shah and the rest in the party are sparing no effort to win in the state. Shah’s constituency by constituency, booth by booth – BJP leaders lay much store by their booth management skills – approach which paid dividends in  2014 is ostensibly replicated this time round. And it is believed that it will work a second time round. What the BJP fails to understand is that it is not the thoroughness of the preparation alone that matters, and that it depends on more than anything else it depends on the preference of the people as such.

Apart from the desire and determination to win UP, the BJP strategists also seem to believe that they have been dealt a winning hand as it were when the electoral cards were shuffled. They think that the political appeal of Samajwadi Party (SP) is confined to its core constituency of Yadavs and not to the whole spectrum of the backward classes/castes, and that of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) to Jatavs and not to Dalits in general. Another Union minister, who gives the spin to the BJP thesis, says that half of the Muslim vote would go to the SP, and the other half to BSP.

In contrast, the minister arguing the case of electoral prospects of the party said that the upper castes are with the BJP, and so are the various segments of the other backward classes/castes and the remaining Dalits, the Valmikis. Of course, it is a big presumption. Even if it is assumed that many of backward class segments would not go with the SP, and therefore could vote for BJP because Congress, the other big national party in the fray in the state, is not a big players anymore and it has reduced itself to the status of a junior alliance partner to SP, the big local players. There is also the possibility that the BJP would want to choose a candidate from one of the non-Yadav backward classes as a chief ministerial candidate. But rivalries between the many non-Yadav backward classes/castes are conveniently ignored by the BJP spinmeisters. It is also not clear as to why the non-Jatav Dalits, the Valmikis, should choose BJP because they have not much to gain from the bargain. The BJP will not be able to please them all with the temptation of office.

What is interesting in the BJP is argument is that there is ideological thrust to the campaign though there is a subtle and not-so-subtle Hindutva or Hindu communalism at play here. The BJP is reconciled to the fact that Muslims will not vote for it, and so it does not factor in Muslims in its caste/community electoral calculus. If the BJP leaders are embarrassed about it, they do not show it. But they are displaying hard-nosed political realism by not counting on Muslims, but they are overstating their case by assuming that the Muslim would split, almost in half between the SP and BSP.

The other big assumption of the BJP, and even that of the pollsters, is that it is not a three-cornered contest where SP-Congress, BSP and BJP are all equal contenders and that that the vote would split three-ways. The complexity is simplified by reducing BSP into a distant third, and that it is essentially a contest between SP-Congress on the one hand and the BJP on the other. It is not even being contended that it could be a battle between BJP and BSP. This is a grudging recognition by the BJP that Akhilesh Yadav has clawed his way back into the contest.

Though there are some who are arguing that the BSP is the silent player which would steal the show on Saturday, there seems to be no reliable or tangible proof that the BSP outreach to the other castes and communities is gaining traction or not. This does not mean that BSP has failed to reach out beyond its core constituency. It just means that the pollsters have failed to detect it. Even the ardent supporters of BSP in media have not argued convincingly enough that a significant number of Muslims and Brahmins have been won over by party of Dalits. There is of course the plausible inference that Muslims are not too happy with SP post-Muzaffarnagar riots of 2013.

There are enough chinks in the constructed political armour of the BJP, which could turn out to be a sour point on Saturday.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Late-March western disturbance brings 1,000-km rain band across India, Pakistan and Afghanistan

An unusual western disturbance has created a 1,000-km rain band, bringing widespread storms, rainfall and hail across parts of India and neighbouring countries.

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Weather

An unusual weather system is currently impacting large parts of India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, bringing widespread thunderstorms, gusty winds, rainfall and even hailstorms at a time when summer conditions typically begin to set in.

The ongoing event is being driven by an active western disturbance that has formed a nearly straight, linear low-pressure trough stretching about 1,000 kilometres—from Afghanistan, across Pakistan, and into India. This formation is considered atypical, as most western disturbances usually follow a curved path.

Western disturbances are generally extratropical systems originating near the Mediterranean region and are more common during winter months, when they bring snowfall and cold weather to northern India. However, this system stands out both for its timing in late March and its distinct structure.

Widespread weather activity across regions

The system is associated with an upper-air cyclonic circulation over northern Pakistan, which is leading to widespread thunderstorms and winds ranging between 40 and 80 kmph across northwest India. Isolated hailstorms and light-to-moderate rainfall or snowfall have also been reported.

Heavy to very heavy rainfall has already occurred in sub-Himalayan West Bengal and Sikkim, while southern states including Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu have received significant showers. Hailstorm activity has also been observed in multiple regions.

Meteorological conditions indicate that the western disturbance includes a trough in the middle and upper atmospheric levels. This is interacting with several low-level cyclonic circulations over regions such as north Madhya Pradesh, east Uttar Pradesh, west Rajasthan, Haryana, northeast Assam, coastal Andhra Pradesh, and parts of Tamil Nadu and Kerala, intensifying weather activity.

System likely to weaken, another disturbance ahead

The current disturbance is expected to remain active over the Western Himalayas and adjoining plains through Friday, after which its intensity is likely to decrease.

However, forecasts suggest that another weaker western disturbance may approach the region around March 22, potentially bringing further weather changes.

Moisture sources behind the system

The primary moisture feeding this system originates from evaporation over multiple water bodies, including the Mediterranean Sea, Caspian Sea, Black Sea, and the Persian Gulf.

As the system moves eastward, it gathers additional moisture from the Arabian Sea. This moisture is further enhanced due to orographic lifting along the Himalayas. Simultaneously, existing troughs and cyclonic features over regions such as Gujarat and the Mannar area are contributing to increased low-level convergence, leading to intensified rainfall and storm activity.

Delhi-NCR sees cooler conditions and rainfall

In Delhi-NCR, light-to-moderate rainfall accompanied by thunderstorms and winds of 30–50 kmph is expected to continue until Friday. Daytime temperatures are likely to remain between 25 and 28 degrees Celsius, which is below the seasonal average.

Why late-March disturbances are uncommon

Climatologically, western disturbances are most frequent between December and February, with India typically experiencing four to six such systems per month during winter.

By late March, their frequency usually declines sharply as the jet stream weakens and shifts northward. Historically, only one or two such systems occur during this period each year.

However, recent trends suggest a gradual extension of the western disturbance season into April. Experts attribute this to changes in atmospheric patterns, including stronger subtropical jet streams and broader climate variability.

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Mamata Banerjee slams poll body over officials’ transfer, calls move unprecedented

Mamata Banerjee has criticised the Election Commission for transferring senior officials ahead of West Bengal elections, alleging bias and procedural overreach.

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Mamata Banerjee

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has sharply criticised the Election Commission of India over the transfer of senior state officials ahead of the assembly elections, alleging bias and procedural overreach.

In a strongly worded letter to Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, Banerjee expressed “deep shock” at the poll panel’s functioning, stating that it had “crossed all boundaries of decency and constitutional propriety.”

Concerns over transfers and alleged bias

The chief minister objected to what she described as “unilateral” transfers of key officials, including the chief secretary, home secretary, director general of police, and several district-level officers. According to her, these decisions were taken without citing any violations of electoral rules or the Model Code of Conduct.

Banerjee further alleged that the Commission had shown “apparent bias” since the beginning of the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, claiming that repeated concerns raised by the state government had been ignored.

She also questioned the timing of the transfers, noting that district election officers were shifted during an ongoing revision process, which she suggested could affect administrative continuity and pending cases.

Supreme Court reference and governance concerns

Referring to her government’s move to approach the Supreme Court of India, Banerjee said the court had acknowledged the concerns and issued directions that are currently being implemented.

The chief minister warned that the removal of senior officials at short notice could disrupt governance, law and order, and disaster preparedness, particularly during the storm-prone months of March and April.

She also criticised the deployment of state police officers as observers in other poll-bound regions, calling it “arbitrary” and a “misuse of authority.”

Warning on federal structure and democracy

Describing the decisions as “biased, hasty and unilateral,” Banerjee said such actions undermine cooperative federalism and could create conditions resembling “indirect central rule.”

She urged the Commission to reconsider its decisions, warning that such steps are “deeply concerning” for a healthy democratic process.

Elections to the 294-member West Bengal assembly are scheduled to be held in two phases on April 23 and April 29, with counting set for May 4.

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AIADMK-BJP seat-sharing talks to be finalised soon, says Edappadi K Palaniswami after Amit Shah meet

AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami says seat-sharing talks with BJP are in final stages and will conclude within days ahead of Tamil Nadu 2026 elections.

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Amit shah

Signalling momentum ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Edappadi K Palaniswami on Friday said seat-sharing talks with the Bharatiya Janata Party would be finalised within four days following his meeting with Union Home Minister Amit Shah in Delhi.

Palaniswami, who serves as the general secretary of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, expressed confidence that negotiations would be concluded smoothly based on a “give-and-take” formula focused on winnability. He also took a swipe at the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, suggesting delays in its own alliance discussions.

Union Minister Piyush Goyal is expected to visit Chennai soon, further accelerating alliance-building efforts. The AIADMK is also preparing to release its election manifesto within a week.

Likely seat-sharing formula emerges

While Palaniswami did not reveal specific numbers, sources indicate the AIADMK is aiming to contest around 165 seats. The remaining seats could be distributed among allies, including the BJP, Pattali Makkal Katchi, Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam led by T T V Dhinakaran, and the Tamil Maanila Congress.

In the 2021 Assembly elections, the BJP and PMK had contested 20 and 23 seats respectively, securing four and five wins. The revised formula suggests a recalibration of alliance strengths ahead of the high-stakes 2026 polls.

‘Delhi visits necessary for coordination’

Responding to criticism over his frequent visits to the national capital, Palaniswami defended his outreach to BJP leadership. He said such meetings were necessary given the busy schedules of senior leaders like Amit Shah, who are handling elections across multiple states.

“I have come to meet Amit Shah twice, as he is busy with elections in five states,” he said, underlining the need for coordination at the national level.

No alliance with Vijay’s TVK

Dismissing speculation about new alliances, Palaniswami ruled out any talks with actor-turned-politician Vijay and his party, Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam.

“Neither we nor TVK held talks,” he stated, indicating that the electoral contest would largely remain between the AIADMK-led and DMK-led fronts.

Criticism of DMK and internal damage control

Targeting the DMK government, Palaniswami alleged a deterioration in law and order, pointing to rising crimes against women and corruption. He also accused the government of failing to implement key welfare schemes.

At the same time, he sought to contain recent controversies involving AIADMK leaders, stating that former ministers who made objectionable remarks had acknowledged their mistakes and apologised.

High stakes for AIADMK and Palaniswami

The 2026 Assembly election is being seen as a crucial test for both the AIADMK and Palaniswami. Since the death of former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, the party has faced a series of electoral setbacks, including the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha elections and the 2021 Assembly polls.

The AIADMK had previously allied with the BJP in 2019 and 2021, a partnership often viewed as challenging in Tamil Nadu’s political landscape. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, both parties contested separately but failed to secure victories.

For Palaniswami, the upcoming election represents a critical opportunity to establish his leadership and revive the party’s political standing.

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