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1041 File Nomination for 117 Punjab Seats

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Indian cricketer-turned-politician and former Member of Parliament Navjot Singh Sidhu surrounded by supporters after joining the Congress party at the airport in Amritsar on January 17. Photo: UNI

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]The three-cornered battle in the upcoming assembly polls is heading for an exciting finish as new entrant AAP is emerging as the dark horse amid strong anti-incumbency sentiments and Congress’ poor track record

 By Sujit Bhar[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Punjab election nominations saw a surge on the last day (January 18) when 1,040 candidates submitted their papers, bringing the total to 1,041. Elections to 117 assembly constituencies in this state are scheduled for February 4.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Among those filing on the last day were cricketer-turned-politician Navjot Singh Sidhu, who just joined the Congress, his party’s chief in the state, Amarinder Singh, and Bhagwant Mann of the Aam Admi Party (AAP). Sidhu will fight for the Amritsar East seat, Amarinder for the Lambi seat (where his opponent will be Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal) and Mann will fight in Jalalabad.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]The Punjab elections were supposed to be a little different this year, with not only a shift from the typical Congress versus the BJP-Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) combine tussle being extended to a three-corner one with the advent of AAP. It was also supposed to be a fight for development and modernism against the entrenched traditions of religious sentiments that have in the recent past taken the state down perilous paths.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]The introduction of AAP sees a definitive move by its chief Arvind Kejriwal to possess a real seat of power, instead of the truncated system he heads in Delhi. In the process, he has chosen a point where anti-incumbency could have become a huge factor. The BJP-SAD combine has survived the last elections, retaining power, but their administration has been embroiled in a multitude of controversies, including that of the spread of drugs use, and religious one-upmanship.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Amarinder’s comment that chief minister Badal had initiated a bloody war between Sikh religious leaders and that this was Badal’s plan for “controlled destabilisation” in the state, could, in fact, help the AAP, which is coming in with no baggage at all. If anything, AAP is coming in with an established reputation of having stumped the powerful BJP in Delhi, despite everybody, from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to BJP president Amit Shah throwing their weights behind the BJP campaign.

Deputy CM of Delhi, Manish Sisodia meeting NRI supporters of AAP who specially flew to render support for the party in upcoming Punjab polls. Photo: Twitter/AAP

Deputy CM of Delhi, Manish Sisodia meeting NRI supporters of AAP who specially flew to render support for the party in upcoming Punjab polls. Photo: Twitter/AAP

[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]To this end the AAP is venturing out into a new field, something that people associated the BJP with at the last Lok Sabha elections.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]On January 19 about a hundred AAP supporters arrived in Delhi from Canada – all NRIs – and were to leave for Punjab, where they would drum up support for Kejriwal and the AAP. The message is clear: development and the painting of a rosy future under AAP. It was a timely move, with Delhi deputy chief minister Manish Sisodia receiving them at the airport in the morning, a day after the CBI initiated a probe against him for graft.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]It is not that these 100 NRIs would be able to turn local sentiments in Punjab on its head, but the youth see this as a huge positive. Emotions in Punjab have always swung between the Congress and the BJP-SAD combine for a good reason. The people of Punjab recognise these people, and they have had the touch and feel of a known devil, against AAP, an unknown identity. But the new element in publicity would be interesting.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Also, while the AAP might not really be holding high hopes for a victory, it would be useful for the other two combines to study how the AAP draws out their vote banks and who could lose as a result. AAP volunteers have been visiting lakhs of homes, even in rural Punjab for a long time now and fresh faces and fresh promises always have an appeal with the youth. They declared their candidates’ list way ahead of the others, and people have had time to look into each and every one of them.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]The youth of Punjab sees AAP as a symbol of hope amid chaos and despair. Hitesh Sofat, from Patiala, now working for a private organisation in Noida, has high hopes for AAP in Punjab. “I think the AAP would win this time,” he told APN. “I come from Patiala, where the sporting atmosphere is great (the National Institute of Sports is headquartered there), and people are sports minded. I have seen how the BJP-SAD combine has dragged the youth of the state into drugs and how Bikram Majithia, minister in the Badal cabinet has been hand in glove with the process.”[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Sofat is a technical person, and he sees the future with hope. “I do think that the promoters of a drugged world will be put behind bars, and the AAP has the ability and vision to do that,” he says. “Plus, the AAP is right about procuring the money from the state itself for development projects. We do not need the courtesy of the centre for our projects in the Punjab. Just as he did it in Delhi, he will be able to do it in the Punjab.”[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]Such optimism should reflect, to an extent, in the ballot boxes, though people with entrenched positions would be loathe to let that happen. And for Kejriwal, Punjab is still a long way off. It would be great if he can form a credible opposition.[/vc_column_text][vc_column_text]The presence of the AAP could see a lot more happening in the social fabric of the state: more involvement of women in the political process, for example. The state, which has one of the lowest male to female ratios in the country, should have hit out with more participation of women in the polling process. But this time the number of women filing nominations has fallen sharply. From 93 in the 2012 polls, the number has fallen to just 27, fielded by the four parties in fray.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Yogi Adityanath’s do namoone remark sparks Akhilesh Yadav’s jab on BJP infighting

Yogi Adityanath’s ‘do namoone’ comment in the UP Assembly has been countered by Akhilesh Yadav, who termed it a confession of BJP’s internal power struggle.

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Yogi Adityanath

Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s recent “do namoone” comment in the state Assembly has triggered a sharp political exchange, with Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav turning the remark into an attack on the Bharatiya Janata Party’s alleged internal discord.

The comment was made during a heated Assembly discussion on allegations of codeine cough syrup smuggling in Uttar Pradesh. Opposition members had accused the state government of inaction, claiming that timely steps could have saved the lives of several children. Rejecting the allegation outright, Adityanath said that no child in the state had died due to consumption of the cough syrup.

While responding to the opposition benches, the Chief Minister made an indirect jibe, saying there were “two namoone”, one in Delhi and one in Lucknow. Without naming anyone, he added that one of them leaves the country whenever there is a national debate, and suggested that a similar pattern applied to the Samajwadi Party leadership. The remark was widely interpreted as being aimed at Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav, a former Uttar Pradesh chief minister and current Lok Sabha MP

Akhilesh Yadav calls remark a ‘confession’

Akhilesh Yadav responded swiftly on social media, calling Adityanath’s statement a “confession” that exposed an alleged power struggle within the BJP. He said that those holding constitutional posts should maintain decorum and accused the ruling party of bringing its internal disputes into the public domain. Yadav posted his response shortly after the Chief Minister shared a video clip of the Assembly remarks online.

The Samajwadi Party has, on several occasions, claimed that there is a tussle between the Uttar Pradesh government and the BJP’s central leadership. Party leaders have cited the appointment of deputy chief ministers and certain bureaucratic decisions as evidence of attempts to curtail the Chief Minister’s authority.

Adityanath has consistently dismissed these claims, maintaining that he holds the post because of the party’s trust in him. The latest exchange has once again brought the narrative of BJP infighting into political focus, even as both sides continue to trade barbs ahead of key electoral contests

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Sonia Gandhi calls weakening of MGNREGA a collective moral failure, targets Centre in op-ed

Sonia Gandhi has accused the Centre of weakening MGNREGA, calling it a collective moral failure with serious consequences for crores of working people.

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Sonia Gandhi

Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi has sharply criticised the Central government over what she described as the steady dismantling of rights-based legislation, with a particular focus on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA).

In a recent opinion article published in a leading English daily, Sonia Gandhi argued that MGNREGA was envisioned as more than a welfare measure. She said the rural employment scheme gave legal backing to the constitutional right to work and was rooted in Mahatma Gandhi’s idea of Sarvodaya, or welfare for all.

Calling its weakening a serious failure, she wrote that the decline of MGNREGA represents a “collective moral failure” that will have lasting financial and human consequences for crores of working people across India. She stressed that safeguarding such rights-based frameworks is crucial at a time when, according to her, multiple protections are under strain.

Concerns raised over education, environment and land laws

Sonia Gandhi also flagged concerns beyond rural employment. Referring to education policy, she claimed that the Right to Education has been undermined following the National Education Policy 2020, alleging that it has led to the closure of around one lakh primary schools across the country.

On environmental and land-related legislation, she stated that the Forest Rights Act, 2006, was weakened through the Forest (Conservation) Rules, 2022. According to her, these changes removed the role of the gram sabha in decisions related to the diversion of forest land.

She further alleged that the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act has been significantly diluted, while adding that the National Green Tribunal has seen its authority reduced over the years.

Warning on agriculture and food security laws

Touching upon agriculture reforms, Sonia Gandhi referred to the now-repealed three farm laws, claiming they were an attempt to deny farmers the right to a minimum support price. She also cautioned that the National Food Security Act, 2013, could face similar threats in the future.

Reiterating her central argument, she urged unity to protect statutory rights, stating that the erosion of such laws has implications that extend well beyond policy, affecting livelihoods and dignity on the ground.

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Renaming MGNREGA removes core spirit of rural employment law, says Shashi Tharoor

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Shashi Tharoor

Congress MP Shashi Tharoor has strongly criticised the renaming of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), saying the move strips the rural employment programme of its core essence. His remarks came after Parliament cleared the Viksit Bharat Guarantee for Rozgar and Ajeevika Mission (Gramin) Bill, also referred to as the VB-G RAM G Bill.

Speaking to media, Tharoor said the decision to remove Mahatma Gandhi’s name from the scheme “takes out the heart” of the rural employment programme that has been in place for years. He noted that the identity and philosophy associated with Mahatma Gandhi were central to the original law.

Tharoor also objected to the way the new name was framed, arguing that it unnecessarily combined multiple languages. He pointed out that the Constitution envisages the use of one language in legislation, while the Bill’s title mixes English and Hindi terms such as “Guarantee”, “Rozgar” and “Ajeevika”, along with the conjunction “and”.

‘Disrespect to both names’

The Congress leader said that inserting the word “Ram” while dropping Mahatma Gandhi’s name amounted to disrespecting both. Referring to Mahatma Gandhi’s ideas, Tharoor said that for Gandhi, the concepts of Gram Swaraj and Ram Rajya were inseparable, and removing his name from a rural employment law went against that vision.

He added that the name of Lord Ram could be used in many contexts, but questioned the rationale behind excluding Mahatma Gandhi from a programme closely linked to his philosophy of village self-rule.

Protests over passage of the Bill

The VB-G RAM G Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha on December 18 and cleared by the Rajya Sabha in the early hours of December 19 amid protests from Opposition members. Several MPs opposed the manner in which the legislation was pushed through, with scenes of sloganeering and tearing of papers in the House.

Outside Parliament, members of the Trinamool Congress staged a sit-in protest near Samvidhan Sadan against the passage of the Bill. Congress also announced nationwide protests earlier this week, accusing the government of weakening rights-based welfare schemes.

Despite opposition criticism, the government has maintained that the new law will strengthen rural employment and livelihood security. The Bill raises the guaranteed employment from 100 days to 125 days per rural household and outlines a 60:40 cost-sharing formula between the Centre and states, with a higher central share for northeastern, Himalayan states and certain Union Territories.

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