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China Briefing Diplomats On Doklam: Doval Must Follow Up For India

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China Briefing Diplomats On Doklam: Doval Must Follow Up For India

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By Saeed Naqvi

It reflects on the delicate diplomacy involved that the principal issue in the China-India standoff at Doklam is being mentioned only in muted tones. The problem is the undemarcated boundary between China and Bhutan. This demarcation would require Bhutan-China to settle the matter.

The two doing a pirouette is not a good sight for India, which has a special bond with Bhutan sanctified in a treaty signed in 1949. Clause 2 of the treaty amended in 2007, (on which later) stated that Thimpu would be “guided by the advice of the government of India in its external relations”. How can Thimpu settle its border, independent of the Sino-Indian boundary?

Thimpu needed chaperoning when it took its first baby steps as a sovereign state. But once it came of age and made a formal debut at the UN’s great ball (at India’s initiative) in 1971, it began to feel the urge to dance with other partners, of course, without rupturing the special bond dictated by the 1949 treaty. India would remain more equal than others but others there shall surely be. India says “fine” but has palpitations when it fears that Bhutan may be groping for China’s hand.

At the coronation of the present king’s father Jigme Singye Wangchuk in 1974, Foreign Minister, Dawa Tsering said something that was not honeyed music to New Delhi.

India’s advice in the conduct of foreign affairs was welcome but “not binding” on Bhutan, he said. Indeed, among those invited to the coronation was China which turned up with a delegation, not a pleasing sight for the Indian contingent. A gentle, feather touch has marked Indo-Bhutanese diplomacy in both the capitals. Years 1978-79, when Atal Behari Vajpayee was the External Affairs Minister, were marked by considerable warmth in relations.

In August 1978, diplomatic missions in New Delhi received a circular from the Bhutan mission that henceforth it should be addressed as the Royal Bhutan Embassy. The upgradation of the mission was not without considerable debate in South Block.

Prime Minister Morarji Desai downwards there was an entire hierarchy, principally Foreign Secretary Jagat Mehta, endorsing a more relaxed policy towards Bhutan freeing the Himalayan kingdom from the more restrictive interpretations of the 1949 treaty. But there were hawks too

Desai’s government fell in July 1979 making way for Charan Singh’s five month rule. More damage was done to New Delhi’s relations with Thimpu during this brief period by the new, inexperienced External Affairs Minister, Shyam Nandan Mishra, than at any other period.

He led the Indian delegation to the Havana summit of Non-Aligned Nation where the King of Bhutan took a position on a key issue which was independent to the brief Mishra was carrying.

The cold war was at its peak. Indo-China was still at the centre of conflict. The two blocs were in fierce competition on who should occupy Kampuchea’s seat at the summit? Pol Pot, backed by US and China, or Heng Samrin installed in Phnom Penh after Vietnam ousted Pol Pot. He set up sanctuaries on the border with Thailand.

It seems almost comical to reflect that the world was, in the late 70s, riveted on Phnom Penh, Pol Pot and Heng Samrin. But contemplate the global picture, and the chips fall into place.

In 1972, Nixon’s visit to Beijing, creating a triangular strategic balance disadvantageous to Moscow. In 1978 Communists had come to power in Kabul, paving the way for Soviet invasion. Next year, the Shah fell in Tehran. A pro West Morarji Desai lost power in 1979. But in Pakistan, a pro West Zia ul Haq held onto power.

After what I saw at the battle of Lang Son, it was clear as daylight who won but American media dragged its feet conceding victory to Vietnam in the Sino-Vietnam war of 1979. Vietnam’s ouster of Pol Pot, his genocidal record notwithstanding, was, on the global chessboard, a reversal for both China and the US. Their romance was in its 9th year.

It was in this tense global situation that Mishra, on his first mission as foreign minister, attempted to goad the King towards Heng Samrin (Soviet Union) while his own position was unclear. He must have made for a clumsy diplomat, because the King voted for Pol Pot much to the glee of US, China and Pakistan.

So cross was the King by the indecorous way he had been handled in Havana, that, on his way back to Thimpu, he sought me out for what turned out to be a controversial interview. This was the only interview the King of Bhutan had ever granted to the media. I was then the Special Correspondent of the Indian Express.

He clarified his vote in Havana. If Bhutan had not asked for Pol Pot’s representative to be seated at Havana, it would have been tantamount to endorsing Vietnamese armed intervention in Kampuchea. He then made the allegation, “India took no position at all: can you blame us if we took one and can our stand be described as being in opposition to India?” India’s stand was neither here nor there: let Pol Pot be seated but not participate – a non stand endorsed at an earlier NAM meet.

On the relevance of the 1949 treaty he said: “If you want my candid reply and not a diplomatic one – the treaty can certainly be brought upto date.” The two countries have not had serious differences in the interpretation of Article 2 of the treaty. “But why should we retain a treaty which can lend itself to loose interpretations?”

The King was uncomfortable with the expression “close consultations” defining relations. He preferred “close understanding” – consultations implied advice.

The spirit of what the King said in September, 1979, influenced the language of the treaty when it was revised in 2007. The new words were, “India and Bhutan will cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interests. Neither government should allow its territory for activities harmful to its national security.”

What will be the upshot of the Doklam standoff? Well, the king’s explosive interview (on which more later), did have a ripple effect which, in slow measure, resulted in an amended treaty, freeing Bhutan somewhat.

In the given situation, similar advantages will accrue to Bhutan post Doklam. These advantages will not displease China.

After his return from Beijing, the National Security Adviser, Ajit Doval, must brief the diplomatic corps in New Delhi which so far has heard only from the Chinese here and in important capitals. To my knowledge only the American have been briefed by South Block.

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Khaleda son Tarique Rahman arrives to rapturous welcome in Bangladesh

Tarique Rahman returned to Bangladesh after 17 years and, in his first speech, invoked Martin Luther King while outlining what he called a plan for the country’s future.

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Khalida Zia son

Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) acting chairman Tarique Rahman, who returned to Bangladesh on Thursday after 17 years in exile, outlined his political vision in his first public address, drawing a comparison with American civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous “I have a dream” speech.

Addressing a massive gathering in Dhaka, Rahman said that just as Martin Luther King spoke of a dream, he wished to speak of a concrete plan for Bangladesh. He referred to the country as “Beloved Bangladesh” and thanked party leaders, workers and citizens who stood by the BNP during his absence.

Rahman, the son of former President Ziaur Rahman and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, said that his plan would succeed only with public support and urged citizens to participate actively in nation-building.

Parallels drawn with 1971 and 2024 movements

In his speech, Rahman linked the 1971 Liberation War with the 2024 uprising against the government of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. He said those who lost their lives in these movements should be honoured by building the country they had envisioned.

“We liberated Bangladesh in 1971, and we liberated it again in 2024,” he said, adding that the events of 2024 were about defending the country’s independence and sovereignty. He stressed the need to “repay the blood debt of the martyrs” through responsible governance.

Emphasis on tolerance, safety and economic rights

Touching upon Bangladesh’s social fabric, Rahman said the country belongs to everyone, irrespective of religion or geography, and underlined the importance of tolerance. He spoke about creating a safe environment where women, men and children can move freely without fear.

He also said the BNP would focus on peace, political reform and strengthening the economy. Referring to student leader Sharif Osman Hadi, Rahman said he had dreamt of a democratic Bangladesh and promised justice in connection with his killing, along with restoring people’s economic rights.

Call to youth and visit to Khaleda Zia

Rahman called upon the younger generation to take responsibility for development and stability, stressing that collective effort would be crucial to implementing his plan for Bangladesh.

After the address, he left to visit his ailing mother, Khaleda Zia, who is undergoing treatment at Evercare Hospital.

Rahman has been living in exile since 2008 following convictions in multiple corruption cases, which he has described as politically motivated. He has also alleged that the previous government attempted to assassinate him through torture.

With the Awami League barred from contesting elections, the political landscape has narrowed significantly. The BNP now holds a dominant position, and Rahman’s return has added fresh momentum and uncertainty to Bangladesh’s political future.

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Tarique Rahman returns to Dhaka after 17 years, massive crowd greets BNP leader

Tarique Rahman returned to Bangladesh after more than 17 years in exile, with thousands of BNP supporters gathering in Dhaka to welcome the party’s acting chairman.

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Tariq Rahman

Thousands of people poured onto the streets of Dhaka on Thursday as Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) acting chairman Tarique Rahman returned to the country after more than 17 years in self-imposed exile in the United Kingdom. Rahman, who is the son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia, landed in the capital along with his wife Zubaida Rahman and daughter Zaima Rahman.

Supporters and party leaders marched from the Banani Airport Road towards Dhaka airport to welcome him, turning the stretch into a sea of BNP flags and slogans. Rahman was later escorted in a bulletproof vehicle as part of heightened security arrangements for his high-profile return.

Bulletproof convoy and reception in Purbachal

After arriving at the airport, Rahman was received by senior BNP leaders before heading to a large reception organised in the Purbachal area. Party workers and leaders lined both sides of the road to greet him during the journey. According to party expectations, a very large gathering assembled at the venue, where Rahman was scheduled to address supporters.

BNP leaders said only Rahman would speak at the event, while other senior figures remained present on the stage. His return is being closely watched as he has emerged as a key political figure ahead of Bangladesh’s upcoming general elections.

Visit to ailing mother and family residence

Following the public address, Rahman was expected to visit Evercare Hospital to meet his mother, former prime minister Khaleda Zia, who has been undergoing treatment there for over a month. After the hospital visit, the family was scheduled to go to Firoza, the Zia family residence in Gulshan.

Security across Dhaka was tightened during Rahman’s movement, with police deploying additional forces to prevent any untoward incident amid recent political tensions in the country.

Political backdrop of the return

Rahman’s return comes at a time when the BNP is seen to be gaining political ground following the ouster of former prime minister Sheikh Hasina in a student-led uprising last year. Surveys conducted in December indicate the BNP could secure the largest number of seats in the upcoming parliamentary elections, while other parties, including Islamist groups, are also in the fray.

Alongside political developments, personal reasons have also played a role in Rahman’s decision to return, particularly his mother’s prolonged illness, which party sources describe as a key factor behind the move.

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Bangladesh student leader killing sparks allegation against Yunus-led interim government over February polls

The killing of Bangladesh student leader Sharif Osman Hadi has led to protests and serious allegations against the Yunus-led interim government over the February national election.

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The killing of Bangladesh student leader Sharif Osman Hadi has triggered sharp political allegations, with his family accusing elements within the Muhammad Yunus-led interim government of attempting to derail the country’s upcoming national election scheduled for February.

Sharif Osman Hadi, spokesperson of Inquilab Moncho — a cultural platform that emerged from the July 2024 uprising — was shot at close range in Dhaka on December 12. He was later airlifted to Singapore for advanced treatment, where he succumbed to his injuries on December 18. His death led to violent protests in parts of the capital, including attacks on offices of newspapers and cultural organisations.

Brother alleges political motive behind killing

At a protest gathering in Shahbagh, Sharif Osman Hadi’s brother, Sharif Omar Hadi, accused a section of the interim government of orchestrating the killing to disrupt the election process.

“You had Osman Hadi killed, and now you are trying to foil the election by using this as an issue,” Omar said while addressing protesters. He claimed that his brother was firm on holding the national election by February and did not align himself with any agency or “foreign masters”.

Omar demanded a swift and transparent trial, warning that delays would damage the election environment. He alleged that the authorities have failed to show any visible progress in the investigation so far.

“If justice for Osman Hadi is not delivered, you too will be compelled to flee Bangladesh one day,” Omar said, drawing an apparent reference to former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who left the country following last year’s nationwide protests that resulted in a change of regime.

Claims of wider conspiracy surface

Leaders of Inquilab Moncho also alleged that the killing was part of a broader conspiracy to undermine the gains of the July uprising and weaken Bangladesh’s sovereignty. They claimed that international intelligence agencies and their local collaborators were involved in the murder.

The group demanded that the government identify and present the accused through an investigation meeting international standards within a fixed timeframe. They warned that protests would intensify if their demands were not met.

Protesters said demonstrations would continue until justice is delivered for Sharif Osman Hadi.

Protest plans and political developments

Leaders of Inquilab Moncho announced that they would not hold any programmes on December 25, the day when Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s acting chairman Tarique Rahman is scheduled to return to the country. They expressed hope that Rahman would extend solidarity to their movement demanding justice.

The allegations and ongoing protests have added to political tensions in Bangladesh as the interim government faces growing scrutiny ahead of the proposed February election.

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