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A TV grab shows a Kashmiri youth assaulting a CRPF jawan; (right) a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Only someone who has travelled in Kashmir can understand the enormity of the disaster unfolding in the Valley  

By Dilip Bobb

Two videos that have gone viral are mirror images of tragedy unfolding in Kashmir. One shows CRPF jawans being abused and slapped by teenagers in Srinagar while returning from poll duty. The other shows a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’. The armymen were also returning from election duty and had to run a gauntlet of stone-pelters, the ubiquitous face of today’s Kashmir. Both images are shocking but illustrate the combustible new mood in the Valley. It represents the most serious security challenge for the Modi government, and has been since the death of Burhan Wani, the Hizbul Mujahideen commander, on July 8, last year. Security experts say that the peak of militancy in the Valley was in 1991. Judging by the hundreds of civilians who have died or been maimed protecting terrorists, there is a new peak being reached right now. Never in recent memory has the situation in the Valley looked so grim and the anger among local Kashmiris been so openly hostile and anti-Indian. Anti-Indian may be an oxymoron considering Kashmir is part of India but the reality here is so different from anywhere else that it raises no eyebrows.

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

Even some northeastern states like Nagaland and Manipur, where insurgency is a problem, never feel alien and threatening to a visitor, as Kashmir does. Whenever I have been in Kashmir on holiday or as a journalist, there is no missing the undercurrents, the unwritten signals that serve as a reminder that you are an outsider from ‘India’. Depending on whom you meet or are in conversation with, the tone and tenor of the word ‘India’ can range from casual contempt to barely concealed hostility. I was there last year in May, when Burhan Wani was well on his way to becoming a cult figure. I was en route to Gulmarg from Srinagar and had asked the driver of the private taxi to stop at Tangmarg so I could stretch my legs and grab a coffee. He had a companion with him in the front seat and when I climbed back into the SUV, they were engrossed in watching a video on the mobile phone. It showed a young man wearing army fatigues, armed with an AK 47 and speaking into the camera. It was obvious who it was; the man most wanted by the security forces. They were so engrossed in listening to what Burhan was saying on the video, that it took them a while to notice I was back. They hastily switched off the video but the air had decidedly turned frostier, and it had nothing to do with the fact that we were a few kilometres short of the snow-covered slopes of Gulmarg.      

There must be some biblical irony in the fact that the catalyst for the start of militancy in Kashmir in 1987 and the latest outbreak of violence in which eight protestors died and hundreds of policemen were injured, features Farooq Abdullah as a common denominator. It is universally accepted that the trigger, literally, for the rise of militancy in the Valley was the rigged election of 1987 which consolidated Farooq’s reign as chief minister.  Now, 30 years later, the same Farooq Abdullah is contesting the Srinagar Lok Sabha bypoll which registered a two percent voter turnout during the repolling exercise. It has come full circle in Kashmir. The start of militancy in 1987 stemmed from the sense of betrayal the locals felt at a fraud election which legitimised Farooq’s reign, backed by Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress. It was seen an ‘unholy alliance’. The reasons behind the current upsurge in violence in the Valley has much to do with the alliance currently in power, Mehbooba Mufti’s PDP and the BJP, also derided by locals as an unholy alliance.

Whether Srinagar or Baramulla, everyone I met, from hotel staff to shopkeepers, porters and tourist-related operators, were polite and formal but never failed to convey the not-so-subtle statement that you were from another country. That sentiment accompanies you like an unfriendly shadow on your journey through the Valley. On earlier visits, this was extant as well, but this time, I could sense a difference in mood and hostility. Before June 2016, you could not imagine teenagers being so brazen and defiant so as take on armed members of the security forces in the middle of Srinagar, knowing reinforcements are a wireless call away. There is clearly a different and more dangerous flammable mix that defines Kashmir today. Most people, who visit this exceptionally beautiful part of the country, have had the good fortune of meeting locals who treat you with genuine warmth and a degree of hospitality which is exceptional. Sadly, such people are rarer to find. Currently, it has descended into a Palestine-like intifada spearheaded by teenagers with no ideology or geo-political vision, just a bleak future thanks to lack of jobs and inspiration from videos of Pakistan-backed militants like Burhan Wani, and now his clones. The image of the reckless revolutionary (shades of Che Guevara) fighting for the sake of an imaginary homeland is a powerful one, and it is fuelling the uprising in Kashmir to new and incendiary levels.

At various points in the Kashmir narrative, security experts and journalists have spoken or written of new peaks of militancy, throughout the 90s for instance. This time, it is for real. This time, it cannot be blamed on Pakistan, like every government has done so far. Pakistan is a player in the Kashmir tragedy, always has been and always will be, but the anger and hostility I witnessed—and it has only grown since—is much more visceral. The fact of civilians openly protecting terrorists during military operations, risking their own lives, is a new and dangerous escalation in the battle against militancy. It’s a battle that the Modi government is losing, and losing badly, largely through neglect and inaction. Atal Behari Vajpayee’s clarion call of Insaniyat (humanism), Kashmiryat (tradition of Hindu-Muslim amity) and Jamhooriat (democracy) has been abandoned in favour of a macho, Rambo-style response. It is a strategy that can only lead to greater alienation. The battle in the Valley is not about terrorism or Pakistan. It is about large and growing sections of the civilian population in Kashmir who are being forced to choose sides. It’s a battle that the Indian government is in danger of losing by default.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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Thackeray cousins reunite for Mumbai civic polls, announce Shiv Sena UBT–MNS alliance

Uddhav and Raj Thackeray have reunited after two decades, announcing a Shiv Sena–MNS alliance for the upcoming BMC elections with a focus on Marathi identity.

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Shiv sena ubt mns alliance

The long political estrangement between Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray has ended, with the cousins formally announcing an alliance for the upcoming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections. The joint decision marks a significant shift in Mumbai’s civic politics, placing Marathi identity at the centre of the campaign.

At a joint press conference, Raj Thackeray declared that the Shiv Sena and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) would contest the local body elections together. He asserted that Mumbai would get a Marathi mayor, adding that the mayor would come from the Shiv Sena–MNS alliance. Uddhav Thackeray, seated alongside him, echoed the confidence, stating that Mumbai would remain with them “come what may”.

Focus on unity and Marathi identity

Uddhav Thackeray underlined the importance of unity, invoking the slogan “batenge toh katenge” to warn against division. Raj Thackeray said the alliance would work to ensure that Marathi people get what they want, reinforcing the emphasis on regional identity that once defined the politics shaped by Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray.

The cousins, who have come together after nearly two decades, also appealed to leaders and workers unhappy with the Shiv Sena faction aligned with the BJP to join their front. The message was aimed at consolidating forces opposed to the ruling coalition in the state.

Seat-sharing and poll preparations

Elections to the BMC are due within a month, with voting scheduled for January 15. Political parties have already begun preparations for a high-intensity campaign to gain control of the country’s richest municipal body.

Uddhav Thackeray said that seat-sharing arrangements for Mumbai, Nashik and other municipal bodies have been finalised, though details were not disclosed. Sources indicated that the Shiv Sena faction led by Uddhav Thackeray could contest around 145–150 seats, while the MNS may field candidates in 65–70 seats. The remaining seats are expected to be contested by allies, including a faction of the NCP.

Strategic reunion against rivals

The alliance shifts the political narrative from disputes over the “real Sena” to a united front led by the Thackeray family, signalling continuity with Bal Thackeray’s legacy. Party leaders described the reunion as a moment of significance for Marathi voters and Maharashtra.

The combination brings together Uddhav Thackeray’s support among traditional Sena loyalists and Raj Thackeray’s appeal among younger voters, positioning the alliance as a key challenger in the civic polls. Raj Thackeray’s return to the fold is also expected to consolidate the Marathi vote bank that had earlier moved towards the MNS, impacting rival formations in Mumbai.

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Nitin Gadkari flags Delhi air pollution, says two-day stay causes infection

Union minister Nitin Gadkari says spending two days in Delhi leads to infection, flags fossil fuel use as a major cause of pollution and calls for alternative energy solutions.

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Union Minister Nitin Gadkari

Delhi’s worsening air quality has drawn sharp criticism from within the ruling BJP, with Union minister Nitin Gadkari saying that even a brief stay in the national capital affects his health.

Speaking at a public event in Delhi, Gadkari remarked that spending just two days in the city results in an infection, raising questions over why the capital continues to struggle with severe pollution levels. His comments come at a time when the Air Quality Index has remained in the ‘very poor’ and ‘severe’ categories for weeks.

The Union minister, who handles the road transport and highways portfolio, acknowledged that the transport sector plays a major role in pollution. He said around 40 per cent of pollution is linked to fossil fuel usage and pointed out that India spends nearly Rs 22 lakh crore on importing fossil fuels, which also contributes to environmental damage.

Gadkari pushes for alternative fuels and exports

Gadkari stressed that promoting alternative fuel and biofuel technologies should be seen as a form of true nationalism. He argued that reducing imports and increasing exports would strengthen the country economically while also addressing pollution. According to him, resistance to eco-friendly technologies remains a major hurdle despite their long-term benefits.

Remarks on communal issues and secularism

During the same address, Gadkari said it was incorrect to label every Muslim as a terrorist, emphasising that there are varying degrees of extremism. He cited former President A P J Abdul Kalam as a national icon and underlined the importance of education, especially among marginalised sections.

He further claimed that Hindu-Muslim tensions in the country are a result of vote bank politics pursued by the Congress. Defining secularism as “justice for all”, Gadkari said policies driven by electoral considerations had created divisions. He asserted that Indian culture is neither communal nor casteist and described Hindutva as tolerant and inclusive.

Reiterating views earlier expressed by former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Gadkari said India was, is, and will remain a secular country, rooted in its cultural traditions that advocate welfare for all.

Political reactions over pollution issue

The BJP-led governments at the Centre and in Delhi have faced criticism over their handling of air pollution. Congress leader Imran Masood responded to Gadkari’s remarks by saying that the minister had at least acknowledged the seriousness of the problem. He added that pollution cannot be attributed only to vehicles, noting that similar vehicles operate outside Delhi as well.

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Over 24 lakh voters dropped from Kerala draft electoral roll after special revision

The Election Commission has removed over 24 lakh names from Kerala’s draft voter lists after verification during the Special Intensive Revision process.

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Over 24.08 lakh electors have been removed from the draft voter lists in Kerala following the completion of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise, with the Election Commission publishing the updated draft electoral roll on Tuesday.

As per official data, Kerala has a total of 2,78,50,855 registered electors. Of these, 2,54,42,352 electors submitted their Enumeration Forms during the revision process, which concluded on December 18.

The poll body said the deletions were carried out after verification and were linked to multiple factors, including electors shifting to other states or Union Territories, voters found to be non-existent, individuals who did not submit enumeration forms within the stipulated time, and those who chose not to continue their registration.

Break-up of deleted names

According to the Election Commission, the deleted entries include 6,49,885 names of deceased voters, accounting for 2.33 per cent of the electorate. Another 14,61,769 voters, or 5.25 per cent, were removed after being found shifted or absent, while 1,36,029 voters, around 0.49 per cent, were deleted for being enrolled at multiple locations.

Claims and objections window open

Although the enumeration phase has ended, eligible citizens can still seek corrections. The Commission has opened a claims and objections period from December 23 to January 22, 2026, allowing applications for inclusion of eligible voters or removal of ineligible names from the rolls.

The final electoral roll for Kerala is scheduled to be published on February 21, 2026.

Awareness drives and field-level efforts

The Election Commission said extensive awareness campaigns were conducted across the state to ensure maximum participation. Senior election officials held regular meetings with political parties at the state, district and assembly constituency levels to explain the revision process and share progress updates.

Booth Level Officers (BLOs) carried out house-to-house visits to all electors listed as of October 27, distributing Enumeration Forms and making at least three follow-up visits for collection. Booth Level Agents were permitted to submit up to 50 forms per day to strengthen coordination at the grassroots level.

To support field staff, BLOs were assisted by Anganwadi workers, students from NCC, NSS and election literacy clubs, volunteers, revenue officials and social work students. The poll body said more than 93 per cent mapping of collected forms was achieved through repeated training sessions, video tutorials and doubt-clearing programmes.

Special initiatives during SIR

During the exercise, the Chief Electoral Officer of Kerala launched motivational and outreach initiatives aimed at supporting election staff managing the heavy workload of digitising voter data. District-level programmes were also rolled out to recognise and motivate BLOs and supervisors completing digitisation targets.

In areas with weak network connectivity, a community-based digitisation model was adopted, where BLOs collectively digitised forms from locations with better internet access. Special urban camps were organised across all wards of urban local bodies to ensure comprehensive coverage of city voters.

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