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A TV grab shows a Kashmiri youth assaulting a CRPF jawan; (right) a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’

[vc_row][vc_column][vc_column_text]Only someone who has travelled in Kashmir can understand the enormity of the disaster unfolding in the Valley  

By Dilip Bobb

Two videos that have gone viral are mirror images of tragedy unfolding in Kashmir. One shows CRPF jawans being abused and slapped by teenagers in Srinagar while returning from poll duty. The other shows a Kashmiri man tied to the hood of an army jeep as ‘protection’. The armymen were also returning from election duty and had to run a gauntlet of stone-pelters, the ubiquitous face of today’s Kashmir. Both images are shocking but illustrate the combustible new mood in the Valley. It represents the most serious security challenge for the Modi government, and has been since the death of Burhan Wani, the Hizbul Mujahideen commander, on July 8, last year. Security experts say that the peak of militancy in the Valley was in 1991. Judging by the hundreds of civilians who have died or been maimed protecting terrorists, there is a new peak being reached right now. Never in recent memory has the situation in the Valley looked so grim and the anger among local Kashmiris been so openly hostile and anti-Indian. Anti-Indian may be an oxymoron considering Kashmir is part of India but the reality here is so different from anywhere else that it raises no eyebrows.

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

A crowd stone-pelts security personnel in Kashmir, UNI

Even some northeastern states like Nagaland and Manipur, where insurgency is a problem, never feel alien and threatening to a visitor, as Kashmir does. Whenever I have been in Kashmir on holiday or as a journalist, there is no missing the undercurrents, the unwritten signals that serve as a reminder that you are an outsider from ‘India’. Depending on whom you meet or are in conversation with, the tone and tenor of the word ‘India’ can range from casual contempt to barely concealed hostility. I was there last year in May, when Burhan Wani was well on his way to becoming a cult figure. I was en route to Gulmarg from Srinagar and had asked the driver of the private taxi to stop at Tangmarg so I could stretch my legs and grab a coffee. He had a companion with him in the front seat and when I climbed back into the SUV, they were engrossed in watching a video on the mobile phone. It showed a young man wearing army fatigues, armed with an AK 47 and speaking into the camera. It was obvious who it was; the man most wanted by the security forces. They were so engrossed in listening to what Burhan was saying on the video, that it took them a while to notice I was back. They hastily switched off the video but the air had decidedly turned frostier, and it had nothing to do with the fact that we were a few kilometres short of the snow-covered slopes of Gulmarg.      

There must be some biblical irony in the fact that the catalyst for the start of militancy in Kashmir in 1987 and the latest outbreak of violence in which eight protestors died and hundreds of policemen were injured, features Farooq Abdullah as a common denominator. It is universally accepted that the trigger, literally, for the rise of militancy in the Valley was the rigged election of 1987 which consolidated Farooq’s reign as chief minister.  Now, 30 years later, the same Farooq Abdullah is contesting the Srinagar Lok Sabha bypoll which registered a two percent voter turnout during the repolling exercise. It has come full circle in Kashmir. The start of militancy in 1987 stemmed from the sense of betrayal the locals felt at a fraud election which legitimised Farooq’s reign, backed by Rajiv Gandhi’s Congress. It was seen an ‘unholy alliance’. The reasons behind the current upsurge in violence in the Valley has much to do with the alliance currently in power, Mehbooba Mufti’s PDP and the BJP, also derided by locals as an unholy alliance.

Whether Srinagar or Baramulla, everyone I met, from hotel staff to shopkeepers, porters and tourist-related operators, were polite and formal but never failed to convey the not-so-subtle statement that you were from another country. That sentiment accompanies you like an unfriendly shadow on your journey through the Valley. On earlier visits, this was extant as well, but this time, I could sense a difference in mood and hostility. Before June 2016, you could not imagine teenagers being so brazen and defiant so as take on armed members of the security forces in the middle of Srinagar, knowing reinforcements are a wireless call away. There is clearly a different and more dangerous flammable mix that defines Kashmir today. Most people, who visit this exceptionally beautiful part of the country, have had the good fortune of meeting locals who treat you with genuine warmth and a degree of hospitality which is exceptional. Sadly, such people are rarer to find. Currently, it has descended into a Palestine-like intifada spearheaded by teenagers with no ideology or geo-political vision, just a bleak future thanks to lack of jobs and inspiration from videos of Pakistan-backed militants like Burhan Wani, and now his clones. The image of the reckless revolutionary (shades of Che Guevara) fighting for the sake of an imaginary homeland is a powerful one, and it is fuelling the uprising in Kashmir to new and incendiary levels.

At various points in the Kashmir narrative, security experts and journalists have spoken or written of new peaks of militancy, throughout the 90s for instance. This time, it is for real. This time, it cannot be blamed on Pakistan, like every government has done so far. Pakistan is a player in the Kashmir tragedy, always has been and always will be, but the anger and hostility I witnessed—and it has only grown since—is much more visceral. The fact of civilians openly protecting terrorists during military operations, risking their own lives, is a new and dangerous escalation in the battle against militancy. It’s a battle that the Modi government is losing, and losing badly, largely through neglect and inaction. Atal Behari Vajpayee’s clarion call of Insaniyat (humanism), Kashmiryat (tradition of Hindu-Muslim amity) and Jamhooriat (democracy) has been abandoned in favour of a macho, Rambo-style response. It is a strategy that can only lead to greater alienation. The battle in the Valley is not about terrorism or Pakistan. It is about large and growing sections of the civilian population in Kashmir who are being forced to choose sides. It’s a battle that the Indian government is in danger of losing by default.[/vc_column_text][/vc_column][/vc_row]

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BJP and Shiv Sena reach broad seat-sharing deal ahead of BMC elections

BJP and Shiv Sena are close to finalising seat-sharing for 200 wards ahead of the BMC elections, while opposition parties intensify alliance talks across Maharashtra.

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BJP Shivsena

The BJP and Shiv Sena have almost sealed their seat-sharing arrangement for the upcoming Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, with an understanding reached on 200 of the total 227 wards in Mumbai, according to sources. The civic body polls are scheduled to be held on January 15.

The agreement was discussed during a late-night meeting of the Mahayuti alliance, which includes the BJP, Shiv Sena and the Ajit Pawar-led NCP. The meeting took place at Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s residence in Thane and focused on strategy for several key municipal corporations, including Thane, Kalyan-Dombivli and Navi Mumbai.

Sources said similar meetings are lined up for Mumbai and other civic bodies such as Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, Panvel and Mira-Bhayandar, as alliance partners work to finalise ward-level arrangements and campaign planning.

Congress explores new alliances in Mumbai

In Mumbai, Congress leaders are scheduled to meet Prakash Ambedkar’s Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi as the party looks to rebuild its alliance structure after parting ways with the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray faction). The distancing followed Sena (UBT)’s decision to join hands with the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena led by Raj Thackeray.

Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut has confirmed that the party will contest the BMC elections in alliance with the MNS and the NCP led by Sharad Pawar. The inclusion of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) comes after Sharad Pawar rejected a proposal from the Ajit Pawar-led faction that offered limited seat allocation.

Despite the split, sources indicated that discussions may continue, with meetings expected between Sharad Pawar’s daughter Supriya Sule and her cousin Ajit Pawar to determine future political moves.

Local body strategies take shape across Maharashtra

Meanwhile, MNS chief Raj Thackeray is set to hold a meeting with party leaders at his Shivtirth residence to finalise the party’s election strategy, including campaign issues and candidate selection.

In Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar, Shiv Sena MLA and minister Sanjay Shirsat will meet BJP leaders, including state ministers Chandrakant Bawankule and Atul Save, to discuss preparations for the civic polls.

Seat-sharing talks are also underway in Mira-Bhayandar, where Shiv Sena leader Pratap Sarnaik and BJP MLA Narendra Mehta are expected to hold discussions. The Ajit Pawar-led NCP, however, is planning to contest the elections independently in the region.

Panvel is set to witness a major opposition meeting involving Sena (UBT), Congress, MNS, NCP (SP), Samajwadi Party and the VBA. The gathering, led by the Peasants and Workers Party, will focus on finalising seat-sharing arrangements and joint election strategies.

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Op Aaghat 3.0: Delhi police arrest over 280 accused ahead of New Year celebrations

Delhi police arrested over 280 accused and detained more than 1,300 individuals under Operation Aaghat 3.0 ahead of New Year, seizing weapons, drugs, liquor and stolen items.

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Op Aaghat 3.0: Delhi police arrest over 280 accused ahead of New Year celebrations

Delhi police carried out a large-scale preventive crackdown across sensitive pockets of the national capital ahead of New Year, arresting hundreds of accused and detaining over a thousand individuals to ensure peaceful celebrations.

The overnight operation, conducted under Operation Aaghat 3.0, focused on crime-prone areas and resulted in major seizures, including illegal weapons, narcotics, illicit liquor, cash and stolen property, according to police officials.

Major arrests and seizures during the drive

As part of the intensified security drive, at least 285 accused were arrested under various legal provisions, including the Arms Act, Excise Act, NDPS Act and Gambling Act. In addition, 504 people were detained as a precautionary measure to prevent any untoward incidents during the festive period.

Police officials said the operation led to the recovery of 21 illegal weapons, including country-made pistols, along with 20 live cartridges and 27 knives. Authorities also seized over 12,000 quarters of illicit liquor, around Rs 2.5 lakh in cash, and nearly 7 kg of cannabis from different locations.

Focus on habitual offenders and vehicle theft

The crackdown also targeted repeat offenders. Under the operation, 116 habitual offenders, referred to by police as “bad characters,” were taken into custody, while 10 property offenders were arrested.

To curb vehicle-related crimes during New Year celebrations, police dismantled auto-lifting networks and arrested five auto-lifters. During the raids, 231 two-wheelers and one four-wheeler were seized.

Action against gambling and stolen goods

In a parallel action against gambling activities, police recovered Rs 2.3 lakh in cash. The operation also led to the recovery of about 210 stolen or lost mobile phones, offering relief to several complainants.

Apart from arrests and detentions, a total of 1,306 individuals were rounded up under preventive measures, officials added, stating that the coordinated effort was aimed at maintaining law and order and ensuring a crime-free New Year in the capital.

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Over 2,000 Maoists surrender under Chhattisgarh rehabilitation policy, says CM Vishnu Deo Sai

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai said more than 2,000 Maoists have surrendered under the state’s rehabilitation policy, which offers skill training, financial assistance and land support.

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CM surrender Maoist

Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai on Friday said that more than 2,000 Maoists have surrendered so far under the state’s rehabilitation policy, asserting that the government is committed to treating surrendered cadres fairly and supporting their reintegration into society.

Addressing the issue, the Chief Minister said the state government has repeatedly appealed to Maoists to abandon violence and gunfire and return to the mainstream of development. He said the impact of these efforts is now visible, with a large number of cadres laying down arms.

According to Vishnu Deo Sai, the rehabilitation framework focuses on long-term welfare. Surrendered Maoists are being provided skill training along with monthly financial assistance of Rs 10,000. He added that the new policy also includes provisions for allotment of land for farming and land to build houses in urban areas, aimed at securing their future and livelihood.

Fresh surrenders reported from Bijapur

Earlier, 34 Naxals surrendered in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district under the state government’s rehabilitation initiative titled Poona Margham: Punarvas Se Punarjeevan (Return to the Mainstream: Social Reintegration through Rehabilitation). Police officials said the surrendered cadres were carrying a cumulative reward of Rs 84 lakh.

Officials noted that the latest surrenders reflect the growing impact of sustained anti-Naxal measures combined with confidence-building initiatives focused on welfare and reintegration.

Centre’s target to eliminate Naxalism by March 2026

The Chief Minister’s remarks come amid the Central Government’s stated goal to eradicate Naxalism from the country by March 2026 under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Authorities believe that rehabilitation-driven policies, along with security operations, are playing a key role in weakening the influence of Left-wing extremism in affected regions.

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